1. The 52nd National Conference opens in the year of the 95th Anniversary of the African National Congress, and on the occasion of the 46th anniversary of the formation of our glorious people`s army, Umkhonto we Sizwe. In recalling these events, we honour and draw inspiration from the memory of all those who contributed immensely to our liberation, by giving their lives in order that we be free. 2007 also marks the 40th anniversary of the passing of Chief Albert Luthuli, who committed his life to the servic e of the people.

2. Indeed, to be a member of the ANC is to commit your life to the service of the people of South Africa. It is to make a humble contribution to the cause of peace and progress in Africa. It entails a determination to change the world in favour of all huma nity.

3. The African National Congress exists in order to unite all the people of South Africa to transform our country as rapidly as possible into a united, democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous country, based on the principles of the Freedom Charte r.

4. In a little over four years, we will celebrate the ANC`s 100th birthday. The precious torch of freedom that was kindled by our forebears and carried through generations of struggle will be passed onto new generations.

5. In 2012, our forebears will justly be proud of the great strides we have made in realising their vision. But on our 100th birthday we will also be assessed by the generations waiting to be born, who will inherit the consequences of our daily action. The y will rightly ask whether we have indeed uprooted racism, tribalism and sexism from our society.

6. They will ask how far we have gone in building a South Africa that is truly united in its rich diversity. They will assess the extent to which the prosperity of the nation is still the preserve of a privileged few, or whether the people do indeed share in the country`s wealth, which is the heritage of all South Africans. They will ask how widely the doors of learning and of culture have been opened to all.

7. And, in asking all these questions, they will want to know about the state of the African National Congress, and the kind of organisation that they are about to inherit.

• They will want to know how many of us live by the pledge we made upon joining the ANC to strive together, sparing neither strength nor courage, until the changes we seek have been won.
• They will ask us how ready and able is our movement to support the cause of women`s emancipation, to mobilise women and take practical measures to uproot patriarchy.
• They will enquire whether we continue to have the capacity to unite all the people of South Africa for the complete liberation of the country from poverty, ignorance, exploitation, discrimination and oppression.
• They will pose the question as to what contribution the ANC is able to make in the struggle for peace, unity and development of the African continent.

8. The answers that we are able to give on January 8th, 2012 will depend in large measure on how we conduct ourselves as members of the ANC during the course of this conference.

9. At the conclusion of our 51st National Conference in Stellenbosch in December 2002, we reaffirmed our commitment to building the African National Congress as the critical force for national democratic change. We described ourselves as “the living bearer s of an unbroken legacy of ninety years of South African struggle. Forged in townships and remote rural villages, in once segregated places of learning and worship, in factories and mine compounds, in prison and in exile”. And we celebrated the fact that ” the underlying principles, traditions, the songs, the slogans, the organisational wisdom of these ninety years, have resonated through the venues and deliberations of our Conference this week”.

10. On this basis we declared that the ANC “is united and more determined than ever to strengthen its role as the voice of the people of South Africa, an expression of the aspirations of all, and particularly of the poor”. We said, “the army of reconstruct ion and development is unstoppable. Victory is certain!” 11. At our 2005 National General Council, held in Tshwane, we concluded that “we have now entered a new phase of our national democratic revolution. The consolidation of political democracy, the growing electoral strength of and support for our movement, a nd the relative stabilisation of the economy have created a new set of opportunities and challenges for the cause of social transformation”.

12. We once again affirmed the solemn pledge which commits us to abide by the aims and objectives of our organisation, to participate actively in our movement without motives of material advantage or personal gain, to work towards making the ANC an even mo re effective instrument of liberation in the hands of the people and to defend the unity, cohesion and integrity of our organisation and the movement that it leads.

13. At this our 52nd National Conference, we have a profound and solemn responsibility, both as individual delegates and as a collective to ask ourselves whether we have acted over the last five years to realise our goals and to unite the ANC. Among the ke y tasks facing this conference are to:

• Review the progress of our struggle to build a better life for all since the 2002 Stellenbosch Conference;
• Review the organisational challenges we have faced over the last five years and consequently assess our effectiveness as an organisation to pursue the goals of the national democratic revolution;
• Consider how best to add our voices and effort in making the world a better place to live in;
• Identify the goals and objectives of the organisation in the period leading to the 53rd National Conference and the Centenary of the African National Congress in 2012;
• Decide what is to be done to strengthen our organisation, the African National Congress, so that it may achieve these goals;
• Elect a leadership collective with the ability to lead us to the centenary of the African National Congress and with the capacity to take us forward in building a caring society as we advance in unity towards 2012.

14. We will do so under the banner of this conference: “Building a Caring Society – Advance in Unity Towards 2012”.

TRANSFORMATION OF SOCIETY

15. The struggle for the full attainment of the aspirations enshrined in the Freedom Charter will be a long haul. It will require that the kind of energy and capacity to mobilise the people that we are able to display during election campaigns be realised each and every day 16. We can say with confidence that, over the past 5 years, which included the tenth anniversary of our freedom, the ANC has developed a keener understanding of the tasks at hand and what needs to be done to ensure faster transformation of South African so ciety.

17. The draft Strategy and Tactics document as well as the Organisational Renewal document highlight the issues and challenges that the progress of transformation pose for our movement. And, as the outcome of the National Policy Conference showed, there is a high degree of consensus across the democratic movement on programme of transformation we require. Amongst others, we have in much more detail than before, defined:

• The character of our long term objective and the goals of the national democratic revolution;
• The attributes of a state that should promote movement towards, and manage, such a society.
• The changing nature of the motive forces and the balance of forces;
• The character of the ANC as leader of the forces of change and the systems and structures it needs to put in place to play this role.

18. The position and role of South Africa in the global environment are also more clearly appreciated. This is informed first and foremost by the need to pursue a progressive African agenda, to strengthen relations with and the voice of developing countrie s, and to promote South Africa`s varied interests across the globe. At the same time, we have to deal with challenges of unilateralism, militarism, environmental degradation and climate change, and the promotion of self-interest in trade and other multilat eral engagements.

19. There has been a general improvement in the conditions of life of all South Africans, including the poor. The high levels of poverty that we live with have begun to decline, especially since 2000. This has been the consequence both of accelerated growt h, and also of increases in government expenditure, especially spending which targets the poor, such as social security grants.

20. Over the last five years, South Africa has entered a period of higher economic growth. In the same period, employment creation has accelerated, creating the possibility that we can meet the bold targets we have set ourselves to halve unemployment and p overty by 2014.

21. Our programme to provide social services continues apace; and all statistics point to the decline in the number of households without access to potable water, electricity, sanitation and other basic services. There are also continuing improvements in h ousing, health and education.

22. Challenges that need to be addressed include:

• Large numbers of South Africans remain mired in poverty, and it is precisely these sections of the population which are least able to take advantage of the opportunities that exist;
• Whilst poverty has declined, income inequality has worsened;
• Large numbers of workers remain unemployed, or are casual and informal workers;
• There remain backlogs in service delivery;
• There are questions about the overall capacity of the economy to grow at higher rates without occasioning serious imbalances;
• The HIV and AIDS pandemic and other communicable diseases are still exacting a devastating impact on society;
• The scourges of crime and corruption continue to chip at the fabric of society and undermine individual and community safety.

23. One of the strengths of the ANC has always be truthful to the people and never hide or conceal its own shortcomings and weaknesses, or the extent of the challenges that we face. Consequently, our people continue to hold the ANC in high regard, and demo nstrate their confidence by coming out in even greater numbers in support our movement in each successive election. The national and provincial elections of 2004 saw more people voting for the ANC than in 1999. Similarly the local government elections of 2 006 saw more people voting for the ANC than was the case in 2000.

24. The Freedom Charter tells us that South Africa belongs to all who live in it and that all national groups shall have equal rights. The struggle to build a non-racial society has proceeded apace. Never before have South Africans been so united behind a common identity.

25. Nevertheless, racism – built on the material foundation of the economic and social marginalisation of black people – continues to be lived reality for the majority of our people. The poison of racial hatred is all too frequently evident in the perpetra tion of hate-crimes and violence against black people, particularly in rural areas.

26. We must continue to advance the Freedom Charter`s call that “all people shall have equal rights to use their own languages, and to develop their own folk culture and customs”. As we do so we must be constantly on our guard against the dangers of tribal ism, regionalism and ethnic chauvinism.

27. We have also made strides in the struggle against patriarchy and sexism. The extension of basic infrastructure, particularly water and electricity, and the freedoms proclaimed by democratic rule have taken us forward on the long journey towards the ema ncipation of women.

28. All these developments pose new questions to how we build our organisation and pursue the struggle for a better life. After thirteen years of ANC government South Africa is without doubt a better, more caring and less divided society.

29. But the challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality are even more pressing. Government has a central role to play in responding to these challenges. But our ability to transform South Africa and build a national democratic society depends ultima tely on the unity, cohesion and strength of the African National Congress.

THE MEMBERSHIP AND STRUCTURES OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

THE ANC MEMBERSHIP

30. The mass membership of the ANC is at the core of our ability to build a better life for all. The rights and duties of ANC members are spelled out clearly in the Constitution, which also requires that each of us, upon joining must take the oath:

“I…… solemnly declare that I will abide by the aims and objectives of the African National Congress as set out in the Constitution, the Freedom Charter and other duly adopted policy positions, that I am joining the organisation voluntarily and without moti ves of material advantage or personal gain, that I agree to respect the Constitution and the structures and to work as a loyal member of the organisation, that I will place my energies and skills at the disposal of the organisation and carry out tasks give n to me, that I will work towards making the ANC an even more effective instrument of liberation in the hands of the people, and that I will defend the unity and integrity of the organisation and its principles, and combat any tendency towards disruption a nd factionalism.”

31. Over the last five years we have increased our membership significantly (see table 1). From 416,000 members in 2002, the membership of the ANC has increased to more than 620,000. The membership of the ANC in both KwaZulu Natal and Free State has nearly doubled, whilst the Eastern Cape has seen the largest growth in numbers. Limpopo is the only province where the number of ANC members is not significantly higher than it was ten years ago. Relative to the number of voters in each province, the Northern Ca pe has the highest membership, whilst Gauteng has the lowest membership (see table 2).

32. At more than six hundred thousand strong, the membership of the ANC is larger than it has ever been. Could it be that the decision of our 1942 National Conference, to expand the membership of the movement to one million members is within our reach? The incoming NEC may wish to set this as a goal for the 53rd National Conference.

33. The ability to recruit new members is a good sign that the organisation can renew itself. On the other hand, growth in membership poses new challenges, especially to our ability to impart the values and ethos of the organisation through ongoing cadre d evelopment and political education.

34. Our systems and structures have not always been able to cope with the large number of South Africans who want to be members of the movement. Our recruitment systems must ensure that the potential new member understands the ANC`s objectives and expectat ions even before signing up. Failure to do so would make the taking of the constitutional oath a mere ceremonial procedure, without meaning or content.

35. In the election campaigns of 2004 and 2006, hundreds of thousands of ANC members volunteered their time and energy towards the realisation of our overwhelming victory. These volunteers were drawn mainly from the poor and the unemployed and were compose d largely of women and youth. Their selfless dedication to the movement, offered without the expectation of material advantage or personal gain is a shining example of the kind of service and loyalty upon which our organisation has been built over the last 95 years.

36. It indicates that the vast majority of ANC members join the organisation not in order to achieve selfish reward, but to serve their nation and their community in the struggle for a better life. If we wish to find examples of the values we seek to build throughout our society, we need look no further than the volunteers of our own movement.

TABLE 1: ANC membership per province

37. One of the paramount challenges facing the organisation is the task of improving the quality and political depth of our members. The 51st National Conference resolved that “a coordinated and coherent programme of cadre development and empowerment shoul d be elaborated and implemented for all the structures of the organisation, especially branches”. A number of provinces have established well functioning programmes of political schools, induction for branch and regional executives and other activities aim ed at building the quality of our membership.

38. The political education sub-committee of the NEC has, in line with the 51st National Conference Resolution, established a syllabus, curriculum and resource packs to support these activities. However, despite the good work undertaken in some provinces, lack of resources and other challenges has meant that the political education, cadreship development and membership empowerment programmes have not realised the expectations of our last Conference. In particular we have not succeeded in reaching the member ship with a systematic programme.

39. The incoming NEC must pay particular attention to the implementation of our resolution on the establishment of a political school, which has proven to be a perennial challenge mainly due to lack of resources.

TABLE 2: ANC members compared to voting population

40. The functioning of the membership system continues to present challenges and has not yet realized the goals of operational efficiency, simplicity and information security. In particular the long delays in returning cards to members is a cause of ongoin g concern, which was expressed in the 51st National Conference resolution which called for `the NEC to review the current implementation of the membership system and ensure that membership cards are issued timeously and that the procedures do not negativel y impact on the ability of branches to recruit members”.

41. These challenges facing the membership system also impact negatively on the ANCWL, whose constitution requires that their membership system be harmonised with that of the ANC.

42. The most serious ongoing concern is the long delays in issuing cards. In some cases, membership lapses even before the member has received the card. Also, the ability of the system to generate accurate and timely information on our membership and to ma ke this information available to all parts of the organisation that need it, especially branches, remains a challenge.

43. The incoming NEC must pay particular attention to ensuring that we resolve all of the technical deficiencies in the current system so that it can meet the political and operational efficiency benchmarks we require of it.

44. Another weakness of the membership system is its inability to provide information on the changing nature of the ANC membership. As recommended in the Organisational Renewal document, it would be important for the incoming NEC to undertake regular studi es on the profile and perspectives of the ANC members so that we can accurately identify the social trends in our membership.

45. Any system, however, is only as good as the people who run it. Our approach to recruitment remains erratic. Reports of `gate-keeping`, `ghost members` `commercialisation of membership`, `rent-a-member` and other forms of fraudulent and manipulative pra ctices that seek to influence the outcome of elective process remain much too widespread. As we noted at the NGC in 2005, the cycle in which numbers grow in the run up to national and provincial conferences, and decline thereafter remains a problem.

46. The membership system has also not prevented parallel recruitment, where members are recruited outside the structures of the organisation and therefore remain disconnected from branch activities. Whilst in part related to problems and loopholes in the membership system, these practices point to an erosion of the values and mores that should form the basis of ANC recruitment.

47. The ability of ward-based branches to recruit members and ensure that they are connected in a dynamic manner with the political life of the movement is often weak. In many cases, this generates a fear of forming a quorum, and some branches respond by l imiting their recruitment in order to make it easier to mobilise members into a quorate meeting.

48. A number of provinces have tried to ensure that members are not disconnected from branch life by requiring that all recruitment and renewal procedures, including the taking of the oath by new members, is administered only during a branch general meetin g in the presence of the general membership.

49. A similar problem relates to the turnover and retention of membership. Where recruitment drives focus on new members but branches fail to renew membership of existing members, the potential for a dilution of organisational memory and weakening of the q uality of cadreship exists.

50. Moreover, in all our communities there are veteran activists of the ANC whose membership and active participation should be a priority for all of us. The organisation will remain that much poorer, in terms of quality and experience, for as long as we f ail to organise them into our structures. Each branch should make it a point to know and visit these veterans of our movement residing within the branch area on a regular basis.

51. Many of our problems relate to the inability to ensure that members are active participants in the political life of the movement, especially through the branches. The Constitution declares, “every member of the ANC shall belong to a branch”.

52. The fact that many branches have great difficulties in quorating reveals that the recruitment of members is often de-linked from the political work of the branch. For some, `belonging to a branch` means no more than possessing a membership card and pay ing annual dues, and at the most attending a branch meeting once every now and then.

53. In many cases, membership becomes active during branch general meetings convened for the purposes of nominations, elections or report backs, but is dormant in between, with little participation in sustained activities and ongoing branch work.

54. All of these practices arise from weaknesses in our recruitment strategies, where new members are not introduced to the branch, its leadership and membership, but are rather recognised on the basis of their forms. It is impossible to induct forms, and only real living human beings can be held accountable to the obligations expected of a member of the ANC.

BRANCHES

55. The ANC`s leadership of society rests firmly upon our presence in all communities, and the ANC branch is the primary vehicle for maintaining and enhancing the mass character of our movement. ANC branches are the basic unit of political activity for our members.

56. Beyond adherence to the constitutional requirements, the strength and character of a branch must be measured against its role in mobilising communities around issues of local transformation and development, and its capacity to remain in dynamic contact with communities in a state of constant mobilisation. The strategic location of the branch in the midst of communities and its closeness to the people makes it the bedrock on which all the mass work of the ANC and internal decision making of the movement rests.

57. No political formation in South Africa today can boast the depth and breadth of branch organisation that forms the mass base of the ANC. Regardless of how difficult the terrain seems, whether in a vast or mountainous rural area, a densely populated tow nship or in virgin areas where our members constitute a minority, the spread of our branch organisation is unmatched.

58. The ANC`s ability to maintain a relatively vibrant organisational infrastructure at the grassroots level over the past seventeen years since its unbanning is one of the critical factors in our success in transforming society, and sustaining the nationa l democratic revolution.

59. Branches are the place where members exercise their basic democratic rights and formulate policy. The ideal ANC branch, therefore, should be characterised by:

• A sterling commitment to serving the community
• Remaining in constant touch with different sectors of the community through campaigns and programmes that seek to respond to local concerns
• Being able to mobilise and involve the membership of the ANC in community work
• Being able to recruit and train new members and convert them into enthusiastic volunteers and activists, and thus help to renew the movement.
• A leadership collective that works well with the councillors and is able to support and hold them accountable to the entire community,
• Being able to act as a channel of information informing community members on how to access government programmes.
• Being able to mobilise and involve both women and youth in the campaigns that address their issues and in the process build strong and vibrant structures of the ANCWL and ANCYL
• Maintaining dynamic contact with veterans of the movement who reside in or hail from the branch area.
• Providing leadership and guidance to alliance formations that are active in the community area.
• The ability to conduct ongoing political work involving all the membership of the branch, including political educational and training work, and engages in vibrant political debates on the national, provincial and local challenges facing the NDR, includin g through criticism and self-criticism.
• A united, cohesive and inclusive leadership collective, which is able to bring the community together to resolve common problems.

TABLE 3: ANC branches in each province

60. Some ANC branches do meet many of the above criteria. In many communities, some of which are in the remotest areas of our country, the ANC branch is the main source of stability and social cohesion. We have extremely resourceful grassroots activists wh o run the affairs of most community structures, where the branch is the central pillar of developmental leadership. Branches have also drawn many new members into the ranks of the movement who have keenly demonstrated their commitment to serve their commun ities.

61. Some of the critical problems and challenges facing branches, which limit their ability to function effectively include:

• Only a few active members carry the entire responsibility of building the branch, with the rest of the membership remaining passive.
• The disconnection between ANC members and branch organisation, and the absence of strong political consciousness amongst many members.
• Lack of adequate financial and administrative resources to run ongoing campaigns and manage the day-to-day affairs of the branch.
• The challenges that arise inevitably from organising in the poorest and most marginalized sections of our community, including the challenge of access to resources.
• In some wards, especially in rural areas, the large size of the branch area makes convening regular meetings difficult.
• Disunity, lack of cohesion and sectarian practices amongst branch leadership stifles the realisation of the ideal branch organisation in many instances.
• A lethargic attitude amongst some NEC and PEC members to the tasks of mass work and building branches.

62. In the context of these constraints, many branches lack self-confidence and the ability to function effectively as the basic unit of the organisation. Whereas the role of leadership is to guide and provide direction to branches, during times of elector al contestation, certain leaders abuse their positions and impose predetermined decisions and outcomes on branches, thus violating the basic democratic principle that these decisions are the prerogative of the members of the ANC, organised through their br anches.

63. Also, since many of the BECs are composed largely of members who are unemployed or poor, there is great potential for manipulation by careerists and factionalists who pursue personal or sectarian agendas. In this context we should recall Lenin`s warnin g to the 10th Congress of the CPSU in March 1921:

“No profound and popular movement in all history has taken place without its share of filth, without adventurers and rogues, without boastful and noisy elements ———- A ruling party inevitably attracts careerists” As a profound and popular movement, which is also a ruling party, the African National Congress, will not be immune from these tendencies. The point however, is to ensure, through continuous political education, that the noble values and norms of the Afric an National Congress remain the dominant and defining characteristics of our movement. In order to achieve this we must devise mechanisms that combat and defeat the negative tendencies that Lenin identified and warned against.

64. The annual awards given to branches celebrate their achievements, and the process of selecting the best branch has revealed some of the outstanding work done by our branches. In doing so this is one way in which we have tried to promote excellence in o rganisational, moral and political character of our movement.

65. The 51st National Conference resolved to maintain the approach of ward-based branches, noting that “ward based branches are the best form of branch structure despite the problems that have been noted”. Whilst this remains true, some flexibility in the implementation of ward-based branches may be required. In particular, the large size of rural wards calls for creative solutions.

66. The Organisational Renewal document concludes that the current model of ward-based branches should be maintained to unite various sectors of the social forces in a given geographic area. However, a great deal of flexibility should be given to branches to set up creative structural mechanisms that will optimise their ability to respond to specific geographic circumstances and socio-economic interests of their diverse constituency.

BRANCHES AND MASS WORK

67. As we mark the 50th anniversary of the Alexandra Bus Boycott, our movement hopes that the tradition of ANC branches leading in the mass organisation and mobilisation of our people remains as strong today as it was when we proclaimed Azikwelwa! fifty ye ars ago. Leaders of the ANC Alexandra branch who pioneered this campaign included Josias Madzunya, Florence Mophosho, Alfred Nzo, Bernard Gilbert Molewa and Thomas Nkobi, to name but a few.

68. Even today, ANC branches throughout the length and breadth of our country engage in a variety of forms of mass work, much of which goes unrecognised. We must recognise that mass work takes place on an ongoing basis and mobilises people at a local level every day. Even while often unnoted, this work forms the bedrock of our organisational advance. Mass work is not restricted to a march or a rally. Real work is work that earns no remark!

69. When a branch of the ANC participates in a community mobilisation that passes a memorandum to the public representative of the ANC that calls for a correction of a wrong, this is not a `counter-revolutionary` action, but a service to the voiceless peop le. When we call on people to become their own liberators, this is exactly the kind of work we expect from our branches.

70. In our analysis, however, we must draw a clear distinction between organising, educating and mobilising the people for the solution to their common problems, and anarchy and disorder for its own sake. We should also be alive to instances where ill-disc iplined members of the ANC seek to influence our democratic process with a view to undermining our public representatives, with a view to their wholesale replacement at the next list process opportunity.

71. Effective ANC branch work requires a strong relationship with all the forums, structures and organisations active in a community. This includes helping to build and unite structures such as School Governing Bodies, Community Policing Forums, ward commi ttees and other community forums. The members of the ANC should act in a non-sectarian and unifying manner in order to enable these structures to truly become places of popular organisation and democratic participation.

72. Branch work also involves close engagement with non-governmental organisations (NGOs), community based organisations (CBOs), social movements, religious groups and other structures that are organised within the community. Once again, to play its role a s the vanguard of the community, the ANC branch should seek to unite and build upon the organisational resources that reside in such organisations.

73. Many branches spend an inordinate amount of time dealing with administrative issues instead of concentrating on mass work and organisational consolidation. The prime time of many branches is taken by problems around the membership system and convening BGMS and AGMS that are only quorate after several attempts.

74. Branches of the ANC have, in some instances, been able to engage in creative ongoing campaigns and mass work. However, this is the exception to the norm, and in general our branches struggle to maintain sustained campaigns of community mobilisation. In many instances, conflictual, rather than cooperative relations develop between the ANC branch and other structures, including community forums, organisations and in some cases the ANC`s own public representatives.

75. The recent spate of service delivery protests points to the weaknesses and inadequacies of ANC branches in some areas. There are various reasons for the existence of such protests. It has been observed that many of the areas affected are those that hav e borne the brunt of unemployment as a consequence of economic depression, particularly in former mining towns. It is also worth noting that, in many instances, protests arise not where there is lack of service delivery, but where delivery is in fact takin g place.

76. In these cases, poor communication, lack of consultation and a `top-down` approach to development can in fact be an instigator of grievances rather than the absence of `delivery` as such. This is clearly a problem where ANC branches are weak. Protests often occur where the ANC is not in touch with local development concerns of the community.

77. A weak ANC branch opens the space for other groupings to exploit the genuine grievances of the community. At another extreme, grievances are sometimes exploited by elements from within the ANC who are unhappy about the outcome of democratic processes.

78. In such cases ANC structures, those of the leagues or our alliance partners are `captured` by disgruntled elements that use them to wage campaigns against the elected leadership of the ANC and/or the public representative. Sometimes these elements emer ge as a consequence of dissatisfaction that results from undemocratic practices within the movement.

79. The incoming NEC should devote a significant amount of time and resources towards improving the quality of mass work and cadreship development in all our branches. The NEC members should dedicate a fair amount of time on an annual basis, working with a specific number of branches to build a core of activists who understand and are willing to make sacrifices in order to build stronger branch organisation.

REGIONS 80. The ANC has 53 regions, demarcated along the metro and district jurisdictions of government. Their performance across the country remains uneven. Some of the regions work exceptionally well with branches, public representatives and the various sectors of the motive forces, while others are locked up in divisive battles with branches, councillors and PECs. Regional General Councils have become a very critical platform of interaction and engagement between the branches and the regional, provincial and nat ional leadership.

81. The regional level of our organisation has become an increasingly important structure in the political and organisational work of the movement. Regions were given constitutional recognition at the 51st national Conference and play the crucial role of c oordinating, building and supporting branches in their work, working with and engaging various sectors in the region around the ANC`s transformation agenda and overseeing the work of municipalities in the region.

82. Some REC members, especially those who are not in government, make very little effort in understanding issues of local government and supporting municipalities to meet their obligation of serving the people. There are regions that run very exciting pol itical education programmes. RECs also lack a stable resource base as the levies that are paid by councillors are appropriated by PECs.

83. In some regions, the ANC works very well with other Alliance structures at a regional level. This needs to be strengthened in all regions. Administratively, most regions are limping because they cannot fill the posts of organisers or administrators who have resigned.

84. The ANC needs to take a long-term view on the role of regions. The region should become a critical area of organisational and governance work as we move to the Second Centenary of the ANC and the Twentieth Anniversary of Freedom. This view would requir e greater devolution of critical organisational work such as mass mobilisation, political education and political management of governance.

85. In the context of a South Africa whose system of governance and intergovernmental relations are maturing to put districts and metros at the centre of the struggle against poverty and underdevelopment, places huge demands on the RECs.

86. It is at regional level where we should build capacity to run large-scale political education for RECs and branches and ensure that RECs are positioned and equipped to give leadership to various sectors of the motive forces, civil society and cadres de ployed in government.

OVERVIEW OF DEVELOPMENTS IN EACH PROVINCE

87. The provincial level is a critical component of the movement with the responsibility to implement the programme of transformation. Provincial leadership has a primary responsibility to ensure that there are dynamic branches that can mobilise and lead c ommunities. It must also conduct political work among the various sectors and motive forces, and work with them to build a non-racial, non-sexist, united, democratic and prosperous society.

88. The PEC oversees the implementation of ANC policy in government by supporting and holding cadres deployed in government accountable. It also has to work with and among the various social forces to grow the movement`s influence among the people. With re gard to mass mobilisation and organisation, provinces assume the main responsibility for high-profile campaigns on provincial, national and international issues.

89. In addition, the province is a critical point of delivery of the ANC`s political education and training programme, targeting provincial and regional leadership, public representatives and advanced courses for cadres who graduate from branch and regiona l political classes.

90. In order to carry out this work it is vital that the PEC as a collective, and its individual members continually improve their understanding of the social, economic and political challenges that are particular to the province in which they work. In the case of rural provinces, for example, the PEC has an important role to provide practical leadership in the process of rural development and building an intricate knowledge of the policy challenges posed by the specifics of the rural areas in which they ar e deployed. In provinces with large urban areas, our provincial and regional leadership collectives should become leaders in analysing and responding to the challenges of rapid urban development and in-migration. In some provinces, the challenges of rapid urban change and rural underdevelopment present themselves in equal measure, demanding even greater awareness and skill on the part of the provincial leadership.

91. The performance of provinces is also uneven. In terms of organisational work and mass mobilisation, most provinces have shown steady improvement in organisation of new sectors and in setting up structures in uncharted territories during the past decade . However, political management of governance remains a major area of weakness in all provinces. The relationship between the ANC and governance structures remains a constant source of conflict and this affects the ability of the ANC to serve the people

Eastern Cape

92. Support for the ANC in the Eastern Cape province remains solid. In both the 2004 and 2006 elections the ANC registered an overwhelming majority, the number of votes cast for the ANC increased significantly compared to the 1999 and 2000 elections respec tively. Comparing national elections of 1999 and 2004, the Eastern Cape registered the largest increase in votes cast for the ANC of any province.

93. Of all the areas in the country, the largest swing towards the ANC occurred in the King Sabata Dalindyebo municipality, where the ANC scored 36% in 1999 and 59% in 2004. Moreover, these gains were consolidated during the 2006 where the Eastern Cape rec orded the highest turnout of registered voters (56%) and the strongest growth in ANC votes (compared with 2000) of any province.

94. The growth in ANC support amongst the population in general is mirrored by the spectacular growth of ANC membership in the Eastern Cape. At our Mafikeng Conference in 1997, the Eastern Cape accounted for less than one-tenth of the ANC`s national member ship. At the time of the NGC we reported that the province had recently experienced a sharp decline in membership and that a majority of the wards did not have functioning branch structures.

95. These tendencies appear to have been decisively reversed and the province has witnessed an incredible expansion of membership figures. Today, one-in-four ANC members are to be found in the Eastern Cape. Moreover, whereas only 40% of wards had branches in good standing in 2005, today 73% of potential branches are in good standing. This miraculous turn-around in the space of two short years deserves careful study so that we can learn the lessons of the Eastern Cape`s recent work.

96. However, the strength of support and quantity of ANC members has not translated into rapid advances in the transformation of the lives of our people in the Eastern Cape. In 2007, the Eastern Cape had the lowest percentage of people living in formal hou sing in the country. It had the lowest percentage of people using electricity for lighting and heating, and the lowest percentage of people with access to piped water. In other words, while a case can be made that the Eastern Cape is amongst the strongest ANC provinces, it also continues to face enormous challenges in building a better life for all.

Free State

97. Our next conference, marking the centenary of the ANC in 2012, will see our movement return to Mangaung, the town of its birth. The Free State therefore has a special responsibility, as our mother province, to display the characteristics and traditions held in such high regard by ANC members.

98. Whilst the ANC retains an overwhelming majority of support, the Free State is one of only two provinces where the ANC`s vote declined between the 1999 and 2004 elections. Nevertheless, since the Stellenbosch conference ANC membership in the province ha s almost doubled, from 33,000 to 61,000.

99. By the time of the 51st National Conference, the province had recently held a Provincial Conference, to elect a PEC, after having been disbanded by the NEC in 2000. Since then significant progress has been made in rebuilding the unity and cohesion of t he movement in the province. However, there is room for improvement and further work to consolidate unity and cohesion of the movement. Some of the challenges the province faces are well-funded dissident groups, with access to parallel recruitment channels who are prepared to use various tactics, including the courts to undermine progress in the cause of unity.

100. Nevertheless, the provincial leadership has taken on board the need for greater mass work, through consistent implementation of the Letsema and Imvuselelo campaigns. Also important has been the creation of various structures to coordinate ANC work acr oss the organisation and organs of governance, as well as regular PEC visits to the regions. As a result, the management of relations between the organisation and government have improved considerably. Consistent mass work and these innovations account in part for the growth of ANC membership in the province.

101. Although it is a very rural province, Free State is distinguished by a large white community, which constitutes nearly 10% of the population. In this context the province has also paid significant attention to the national question, and has developed a number of innovative campaigns aimed at building national unity.

Gauteng

102. Gauteng is now estimated to be the province with the largest population in the country, with almost 10.5 million people. Despite is small geographic size it remains the economic centre of gravity. Many of the problems and challenges of development fin d their sharpest expression in Gauteng province, particularly the challenges that arise from rapid urban growth and in-migration. For this reason it presents a fertile ground for solutions to these problems including through the development of new and inno vative ideas.

103. The membership of the ANC is disappointingly small in Gauteng, and relative to both population figures and ANC votes, the membership is by far the smallest in the country. Although its population is amongst the fastest growing in the country (second o nly to the Western Cape), the growth of ANC membership is slower in Gauteng than in any other province. Since the last membership audit of 2005 the province has only added 1,600 members! Even while the percentage of voter support for the ANC has increased in Gauteng, the province under performs in elections, with low turnout and declines in the number of ANC votes between the 1999 and 2004 elections.

104. Nevertheless, the Gauteng province has been able to make sterling contributions to the organisation. The manner in which the organs of state relate to the organisation at provincial and local levels is, in some respect, an example to be studied by oth er provinces. The Imvuselelo campaign was pioneered in Gauteng and the strength and unity of the Alliance remains enviable. The commitment to political education work in Gauteng is also outstanding. Regular political schools are held at all levels of the o rganisation, and despite the lack of quantity, the membership of the province tends to evince a higher overall quality.

105. Since Gauteng is home to both the headquarters of the ANC and the executive branch of government, the ANC in Gauteng has ready and easy access to the national leadership of the movement, as well as a host of other resources that comes from their locat ion in the economic heartland of the country. How Gauteng has utilised these advantages in advancing the quality and quantity of ANC members and the depth of our organisation is a challenge that must be addressed by the province.

106. Like the Free State, the PEC was dissolved in 2000 but progress towards unity and cohesion in provincial leadership has been much more rapid. The recent provincial conference was an example of disciplined democratic practice championed by the ANC.

KwaZulu Natal

107. KwaZulu Natal is South Africa`s second most populous province. The year 2004 marked a decisive turning point in the balance of forces in the province, with the ANC emerging as the largest political force in both urban and rural KwaZulu Natal. These tr ends were reinforced by the 2006 local government elections, where the ANC significantly increased its votes across the province, in both rural and urban areas, taking control of a large number of councils formally run by the IFP.

108. The growth in ANC support is also reflected in the strong growth in ANC members, from 53,000 in 2002, to more than 102,000 today. In general, the ANC is also united and cohesive in KwaZulu Natal and unity in action has extended into the good functioni ng of Alliance structures.

109. As we reported at the NGC, following tensions and instability that occurred within the provincial leadership collective at the time of the 4th provincial conference, a concerted programme to overcome division and create a cohesive leadership was under taken. The success of this endeavour is measured in the ability of the ANC to win the province over decisively.

110. Provincial unity was also severely tested in the period following the release of the Deputy President of the ANC from his government positions and the subsequent trials he faced. In this trying context, in which national challenges found sharp express ion in the province of KwaZulu Natal, it must be said that the province remained united and acquitted itself well.

111. The manner in which the ANC in KwaZulu Natal has ensured that comrades deployed in government work together with ANC structures and our people on the ground to become their own liberators also has lessons that should be studied by all of us. Their app roach to public works programmes and a range of other initiatives demonstrate excellent approaches in this regard, that should be emulated in other provinces. These approaches have strengthened the appeal of the ANC across the province, and mobilised more and more people into our ranks, as well as building a better life for our people.

Limpopo

112. The ANC continues to go from strength to strength in terms of voter support in Limpopo, where the ANC polls well in excess of 80% in both national and local elections, consistently higher than any other province. The ANC has strengthened its base by r eaching out in particular to traditional leaders, who have been mobilised into the ranks of the movement in increasing numbers, undermining the basis of divisive and tribally organised parties.

113. However, Limpopo is the only province where membership today is less than it was ten years ago. When we met at Mafikeng in 1997, about one in six ANC members were from Limpopo. Today that figure is closer to one in ten. Branches are spread throughout the province, but tend to have a very low membership, revealing a disturbing tendency to manage recruitment so that it does not far exceed the threshold of 100. This, in a province where 96% of the population are Africans, and where there is relatively lit tle active opposition to the ANC, raises the danger of complacency.

114. The Limpopo province is blessed with a great diversity of cultures and languages. It too, is scarred by the legacy of Bantustan politics and must quest for the unification of the people away from the ethnic divisions associated with apartheid`s homela nd policy. Much more work is also required amongst the white community to assist it to overcome the historical socialisation of this small section of the population in the false ideology of racism. Limpopo has witnessed the most vicious and spine chilling acts of racial violence. The province also faces the challenge of absorbing large numbers of economic migrants from surrounding countries, whose presence gives us cause to reconsider the national question.

115. Although there is a need for much more work, Limpopo has made stunning strides in some fields of service delivery. For example, when we met at Mafikeng in 1997 it was estimated that only 39% of our people in the province had access to electricity for lighting, the lowest in the country. Today the figure has reached 81%, which is higher than the average for South Africa. The development of Platinum in the Bushveld complex is also transforming the province at a stunning pace, providing the opportunity fo r significant reductions in poverty, if properly managed. These developments also bring with them all the challenges of urbanisation and industrialisation around the mines.

Mpumalanga

116. Like Limpopo, Mpumalanga is a province where there is very little opposition to the ANC. Turnout in elections is consistently high and the ANC secures more than 80% of the vote in each poll. If anything the ANC`s support is increasing, with a growing support at local and provincial level, making a significant contribution to our national tally of ballots.

117. In part, the ongoing popularity of the ANC relates to the continued salience of the national question for development in this province, where the old notions of baaskap are dying a hard death. The ANC continues to confront challenges related to the ru ral nature of the province and the prevalence of racial animosity that stems of the apartheid past. The ongoing exploitation of farm workers, calls for a revival of the traditions forged by the great leaders of our people, such as Gert Sibande and others.

118. From the days of the 1990s, when Mpumalanga became associated in the public mind with negative practices, the province has made significant progress in cleaning up its act and uniting the ANC. It is a province with great potential, especially if we be come much more serious about rural development. As a tourist destination, and a centre of agricultural development, the province is amongst the richest. It is in this context that the province must pay particular attention to the role of institutions of hi gher learning, and debate the work of agricultural colleges in confronting the developmental challenges that the province faces.

119. But the province continues to face ongoing challenges of service delivery, particularly in certain municipalities. In some of these areas, ill-discipline, instability and division within the ranks of the ANC, have not helped the situation. The PEC has responded to some of these challenges with consistent programmes of outreach and visits to regions and branches of the movement. Time will tell whether this approach will succeed in consolidating the ANC`s base and taking the movement to new heights in Mp umalanga.

Northern Cape

120. Northern Cape is eight times the size of Gauteng in terms of land surface, but has one-tenth the population. The dramatic consolidation of the ANC`s support in the province has continued apace, with the ANC winning control of all local and district mu nicipalities in the 2006 elections. 93% of potential branches are in good standing, and the membership of the ANC constitutes a significant proportion of the population of the province. Relative to the size of its population, Northern Cape is the largest A NC province in terms of ANC membership.

121. The results of the 2004 and 2006 elections marked the end of an era of tentativeness and self-doubt in the province and the beginning of self assertion and confidence on the part of the ANC. At the same time, the base of opposition parties has shrunk.

122. The rural conditions, vast distances and sparse population of the province present significant organisational challenges. The movement and relocation of branch executive committee members in search of job and educational opportunities has a negative i mpact on the functioning of the organisation.

123. As is the case in many provinces, ill-discipline and unrevolutionary conduct of the membership, including some senior leadership of the organisation has been on the increase in the province, particularly over the last three years. The manner in which some members are conducting themselves has created serious problems for the organisation. The challenge of unity and cohesion is also becoming more pressing in the Northern Cape, a province with an excellent track record in this regard.

124. The Northern Cape has well-functioning structures that facilitate the interface between the organisation and governance. As is the case in KwaZulu Natal the province is a pioneer in developing a close working relationship between mass organisations, i ncluding the structures of the ANC, and the programmes of government. These approaches both help to build the ANC and also make government`s programmes more effective, both in terms of their content and in the democratic and people-centred form.

North West

125. North West province has seen a healthy growth in ANC membership over the last ten years, although given the size of the population and the support for the ANC, the province could do much better. Over the last few years the province has had to manage t he adjustment of a number of boundaries, affecting the Mabopane, Themba, Ga-rankuwa, Kgalagadi and Merafong areas.

126. The North West located Imvuselelo activities within their own overarching provincial programme dubbed, `Sigijima ne-ANC`. This provincial programme of action has campaign themes which guide the branches and regions to ensure that there is regular mobi lisation of the masses behind the programmes of the ANC. Whilst there has been successes in the implementation of the programme around campaigns such as HIV and AIDS, human rights and children`s rights, education, health, etc, more work still needs to be d one to ensure that all the branches embark on at least two minimum campaigns a month, as required by the provincial programme.

127. Over the last few years, North West has seen a large number of demonstrations around a diversity of community grievances. Many of these demonstrations have become violent. Whilst rooted in the absence of service delivery or dissatisfaction with the ex tent of community consultation, particularly in respect of local development projects and the redemarcation of boundaries, these protest also often reflect weaknesses in the ANC. These weaknesses include weak and absent branches, disunity arising from list processes and an absence of consistent implementation of Alliance programmes. In some instances, rank ill discipline amongst ANC members has also been manifest.

128. Recently tensions have emerged between the government of the province and the structures of the ANC. If not carefully monitored and corrected these could lead to further weakening of the organisation, particularly around the list processes for forthco ming general elections.

Western Cape

129. Western Cape is in many respects unique. Whilst each successive election has seen the ANC`s support grow, we are not yet in a position of hegemony throughout the province. Also, growing voter support has not translated into a growth in ANC membership or a strengthening of the organisation. The Western Cape is today the smallest ANC province in both absolute and relative terms.

130. At the last NGC we pointed to the problems of political disunity and lack of cohesion as a source of serious concern in the province. We noted then that, when the ANC was in opposition we were more united and cohesive. Now that we have access to publi c resources, the demon of factionalism has reared its ugly head. Two years later it is clear that these problems have not been resolved, and in many respects are even worse than they were before.

131. Matters have been made even worse by problems related to the coordination and interaction between provincial government and the ANC in the Western Cape province. ANC comrades deployed to government and those elected to lead the ANC simply fail to list en to each other, thus once again raising the question of the ANC as the ultimate strategic centre of the power and creating the perception that there are two ANCs – one in government, and the other outside of government.

132. The province has recently seen ongoing campaigns of ill discipline by some members, especially during regional conferences in 2005 and in the build up to the 2006 local government elections. Organised groupings waged a campaign for their own ends, whi ch led, in some cases, to the disruption of branch, regional and provincial meetings of the movement.

NATIONAL STRUCTURES OF THE ANC

NEC, NWC and Officials

133. The NEC reflects the confidence that was accorded individuals and the collective at large by the membership through the 51st National Conference in 2002. In turn, the NEC elected an NWC to carry out mandates defined in the constitution. The six offici als also met on a regular basis, usually weekly, to provide leadership to the NWC.

134. During the period under review, the NEC met more regularly than once every three months, as stipulated by rule 12.10 of the Constitution. The NEC held more than 30 meetings, including annual Makgotla at the beginning of the year and other specially co nvened meetings.

135. All NEC members were deployed to specific Provinces to provide leadership and support to the political work in the provinces, facilitate communication between national and lower structures and to act as a dynamic link between the NEC and lower constit utional structures.

136. NEC members were also deployed in NEC policy sub-committees to assess and monitor implementation and the impact of our policies; guide provincial and local structures in their engagement on governance issue and engage with governance and civil society structures on issues related to policy areas, which they are responsible for.

137. The National Working Committee met at least once ever two weeks and held more than a hundred meetings during the period under review. Its work focused on:

• Implementation of decisions of the NEC and ensuring the matters are properly processed before every NEC meeting. In this regard, the NWC compiled reports of all the work it did in between NEC meetings;
• Discussed matters related to the organization and governance and ensuring that corrective measures are put in place where needed;
• Interacted with the ANC in Parliament and attended to all related matters through the Parliamentary Political Committee.

138. During the period under review, the Officials met on a weekly basis processing matters for the NWC and NEC and ensuring that the organisational programme is implemented.

139. In the first few years after the Stellenbosch Conference the NEC met often in `extended session`, including non-NEC members who were deployed in various functions in the executive and legislative branches of government. This arrangement had the advant age of pooling information and enabling the NEC to deepen its engagement with matters of governance.

140. However, by the time of the NGC it was clear that this arrangement led to unmanageable meetings and that the political direction of the NEC was being swamped in the detail of government business. It was therefore decided to end this practice and rever t to meetings of the 66 elected members, plus ex-officio comrades from the provinces and the leagues, except for the NEC makgotla at the beginning of the each year, which were extended to include comrades deployed in government as well as our Alliance part ners.

141. The NEC has remained throughout the last five years a forum for rich, dynamic and substantial debate. All views found expression and comrades regularly raised and discussed issues. Nevertheless, the depth and value of discussions could have been impro ved. In particular, despite providing a forum for airing a range of views, the ability of the NEC to arrive at clear conclusions and an unambiguous path forward has been lacking.

142. Another key shortcoming of the NEC is the general lack of participation of NEC members in the mass work of the organisation. Although certain individuals are an exception to this rule, in general the collectives deployed to provinces have not function ed effectively, nor have NEC members taken proper cognisance of their obligations to build the organisation on the ground.

143. Following the release of comrade Jacob Zuma from his positions in government the movement as a whole, including the NEC has faced serious strains. When we met in Tshwane at the NGC, we highlight the events that led to that situation. In our report to the NGC we noted that:

• The leaders, members and supporters of the ANC were, understandably, greatly pained by the events leading up to the NGC. It is a pain that each and every individual feels most acutely. We must understand this and appreciate it.
• In response to the judgement of the Durban High Court in the case of the State v Schabir Shaik, which was handed down on 2 June 2005, the ANC affirmed the basic principles of justice, including the right to presumption of innocence, and reaffirmed its con fidence in the integrity of the country`s legal system and the maturity of our democracy.
• Following an extended meeting of the ANC NWC on 14 June 2005, the President addressed a joint sitting of the Houses of Parliament, an announced that “in the interest of the Honourable Deputy President, the Government, our young democratic system, and our country, it would be best to release the Hon Jacob Zuma from his responsibilities as Deputy President of the Republic and Member of the Cabinet”. In making this announcement the President went on to say:

“… I would like to emphasise two basic pillars of our jurisprudence, namely, equality before the law and the right to be presumed innocent until proven otherwise. We are of the firm view that this principle applies to the Deputy President not merely as a m atter of principle and common decency, but also in deference to the individual occupying such office and the service that he has rendered to the Republic and its people before and after the attainment of our liberation. Unambiguous as the judgement may be about an assumed unsavoury relationship, the Deputy President has yet to have his day in court.”

• On the same day, the NWC of the ANC issues a statement in which it said:

“The African National Congress accepts and supports the decision of President Thabo Mbeki to release Deputy President Jacob Zuma from his duties in government.

“The ANC understands this decision has been taken following careful consideration, in the best interests of democracy and effective governance, and with due regard to the integrity of all the institutions of our constitutional order.

“The ANC reaffirms that the Deputy President and the entire leadership of the Alliance accept and support the decision of the President.

“This decision is also consistent with the principle of the rule of the law – including the right to presumption of innocence until proven otherwise…

“Comrade Jacob Zuma remains the Deputy President of the ANC, and will continue to receive the support of the ANC in the course of his work in this position.”

• Also on 14 June 2005, the Deputy President of the ANC issues a statement in which he said:

President Thabo Mbeki has taken a decision regarding my presence in Government and Cabinet. It is the President`s prerogative to take such a decision, in the context of, and within his authority as the President of the Republic. I accept and respect his pr onouncement…

• The Deputy President went on to say:

“As stated before, let me reiterate that my conscience is clear. I have not committed any crime against the State or the people of South Africa. I however still maintain that I have been treated extremely unfairly throughout the entire debacle for about ha lf a decade.

“Throughout this period, I did not use my position in government in any way to interfere with the due process of law, because I believe in, and cherish our democracy and Constitution. I believed that organs of state and other role players would be guided b y the principles in our Constitution.

“But contrary to this, I have been tried by the media and in effect found guilty by a court in absentia. I have not been given an opportunity in an appropriate forum to defend myself against the allegations made. Yet our Constitution states that everyone i s innocent until proven guilty.

“I sincerely trust and hope that those authorised to take decisions – at whatever level – will act within a reasonable period with regard to the conclusion of this matter. I need to be given an opportunity to tell my side of the story, and bring finality t o these accusations and speculations.”

Just under a week later, on the morning of 20 June, Cde Zuma was advised by the National Director of Public Prosecutions that the National Prosecuting Authority would be bringing charges against him, including two counts of corruption. The National Working Committee, which was meeting that afternoon, was advised of this development through the Secretary General, who additionally conveyed the request of the Deputy President to withdraw, pending the completion of the legal process, from participation in the N ational Executive Committee of the ANC, as well as the NWC, the officials, the deployment committee and branch structures of the ANC.

144. Having considered that report and the recommendations made therein, the NGC agreed that (a) the Deputy President should rescind his decision to withdraw from participation in the structures of the movement, (b) Whilst respecting the integrity of the l egal process the ANC should support its Deputy President during these trying times, and that (c) the Secretary General should coordinate that support, including through interaction with our Alliance partners.

145. Following the NGC, the NWC authorised the President and Deputy President to begin a process of intensive interactions between themselves in order to develop a practical approach to the issues that had arisen, which would best serve the interests of th e movement and the country as a whole. In their first report to the NEC, on 9 September 2005, the President and Deputy President noted that:

It is understandable that there should be pain within the movement regarding the difficulties faced by our Deputy President. There will also be anger among cadres who hold the perception that the Deputy President is being victimised, as there will be among those who have silently watched events unfold, awaiting the movement`s collective wisdom so that they can make disciplined interventions among our members and society at large.

Precisely because of this pain and anger, it is critical that the leadership should rise above the fray and find mature ways of dealing with the challenges. The danger is that, incorrectly handled, the situation can worsen, further dividing and weakening t he movement and the forces of fundamental change.

146. They went on to say:

Noting the difficulties that the current situation has imposed on the Deputy President, it is a matter of fundamental principle that the ANC should support him in his work as a leader of the ANC, and as a person and comrade facing challenging circumstances . His dignity must at all times be protected. In this, we are informed by the basic principle that the Deputy President is innocent until proven otherwise.

We do appreciate the genuine sense of solidarity among cadres within the movement with the Deputy President. However, we need to be vigilant against unhealthy forces who seek to attach themselves to this campaign. Some of these forces would be driven by op portunism, others by a counter-revolutionary agenda to weaken the ANC and undermine transformation, and yet others by attempts to hide behind the campaign to pursue illegal and corrupt activities. We wish to assert that there is one ANC, and therefore reje ct the notion that individuals should be required to choose sides, on the basis of the absolutely false assertion that we lead two contending factions within the movement.

In this regard, we call on all members and supporters of the ANC to respect the process that the movement has put in place comprehensively to deal with this matter. We therefore urge, in the strongest terms possible, that no one should use the name of the President or Deputy President to mobilise for or against either, and for or against any other leader of the movement.

147. The NEC meeting accepted the principles outlined in the 9 September Report of the President and Deputy President, and agreed to conduct a series of RGC`s, with the aim of briefing members of the ANC on the principles contained therein, which would for the basis for moving forward.

148. At the next meeting of the NEC, on 18-20 November 2005, the President and the Deputy President once again made a submission on the basis of which the NEC conducted a substantive discussion of the challenges facing the movement. Reaffirming the central ity of unity and cohesion of the ANC in the struggle for a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous society, and that there is one ANC, united in its diversity, the NEC when on to say:

The NEC therefore unanimously rejected the notion that individuals are required to choose sides, on the basis of the absolutely false assertion that the President and Deputy President are leading contending factions within the movement.

The NEC takes this opportunity to reiterate that the interaction between the President and the Deputy President, as the two most senior officials of the movement with defined constitutional responsibilities, had the sole and central purpose to assist the N EC to consider the current situation in a constructive manner.

It had absolutely nothing to do with resolving non-existent divisions between them about the current situation and the future direction of the movement and the form and pace of social transformation. The NEC reaffirmed that, together with the President an d Deputy President, and regardless of alleged or actual perceptions to the contrary, it does not know of any such divisions.

149. Having considered these matters in detail, the NEC resolved to do the following:

• Be more active in explaining the ANC`s approach to the current situation to both the membership and society at large.
• Re-assert discipline within our ranks to ensure compliance with its decisions and respect for the culture and traditions of the movement.
• Expose and fight factionalism in our structures, and encourage members to report to the Secretary General`s Office any rumour-mongering that seeks to undermine the unity and cohesion of the movement, so that this poison be addressed honestly and openly wi thin the structures of the ANC.
• Intensify organisational and mass work by members of the NEC.
• Strengthen branches and encourage comprehensive reflection on strategic political issues as part of branch programmes.
• Strengthen political education institutions and ensure they are well-resourced to carry out their functions.
• Conduct an assessment of the extent to which pursuit of material resources impacts on content of interaction in branches and other structures and on the functioning of organisation.
• Undertake a more comprehensive clarification on the management of the ANC`s processes with respect to the election of national leadership.
• Call on all members, in line with the organisation`s approach to this matter, to desist from any campaigning in relation to the election of the national leadership, consistent with its March 2005 decision.

150. Regarding the conduct of institutions of the democratic state, the NEC went on to say, The NEC appreciates the concern expressed by the Deputy President regarding matters canvassed in the report of the Public Protector on specific instances of conduct and pronouncements by investigators the National Director of Public Prosecutions and the Na tional Prosecuting Authority, which the Public Protector found to have violated the Deputy President `s human rights. The NEC expressed its support for the decisions of the national Parliament in this regard. The NEC also noted explanations proffered then regarding the response of the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development and the National Director of Public Prosecutions to the Public Protector`s report.

The NEC and the ANC as a whole should have pronounced themselves more firmly on these issues, particularly the findings of the Public Protector on the rights of the Deputy President. To the extent that failure to do so has inadvertently strengthened the pe rception of a “political conspiracy”, the NEC expresses its sincere regret.

151. Regarding the need to support and defend the leadership of the ANC, the NEC concluded, amongst other things that:

Having considered the report presented by the President and Deputy President, the NEC understands the events, information and circumstances that have impelled the Deputy President to come to the conclusions he has reached regarding what he perceives as rep resenting a `political conspiracy…

The NEC recognises that, as a leader of the ANC and like other leaders and the organisation as a whole, the Deputy President may have been subjected to hostile action by forces opposed to the National Democratic Revolution, and thus the `conspiracy` that h as been spoken of. However, we are unanimous in our conviction and the determination that such a `conspiracy` did not originate from within our movement, nor was it conducted by any legitimate structure of the movement or collective of genuine leaders or m embers of the ANC. The NEC therefore unequivocally rejects any suggestion that there is in existence a political conspiracy within our movement and its leadership, dedicated to marginalising or in any other way harming our Deputy President…

The NEC unequivocally supports the institution and person of the President of ANC in carrying out duties mandated by Conference, including in The Presidency of government. The NEC recognises that activities aimed at undermining the President of the ANC in fact have the effect of undermining the ANC as a whole…

The NEC reiterates its full support for the Deputy President in these trying times. We resolve that from now onwards, such support will be coordinated by the Office of the Secretary General. This important Office of our movement will work to ensure that ou r members and supporters act in a manner that protects and respects the dignity of the Deputy President and the ANC as a whole, as well as the due process of law. Such support derives from our confidence in the Deputy President as a cadre and leader of the movement and from our adherence to the principle of the presumption of innocence until and unless proven otherwise.

152. At the beginning of December 2005, a charge of rape was brought against the Deputy President of the ANC. Following a special sitting of an extended NWC on 6 December 2005, the NWC issued a statement in which it said:

The extended NWC noted the announcement by the Deputy President of his decision, given the nature and the seriousness of the allegations, to voluntarily suspend his participation in the leading structures of the ANC for the duration of this trial.

The meeting accepted this decision. It welcomed the clear determination of Cde Zuma to act in the best interests of the struggle for a united, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic South Africa, guided at all times by the values and principles of the ANC.

The basis on which Cde Jacob Zuma participates in these ANC structures is as Deputy President of the ANC. It is in his capacity as Deputy President of the ANC, therefore, that he has decided to voluntarily suspend his participation in these leading structu res.

Following consultation with Cde Zuma, the National Working Committee understands this decision to mean that he would not act nor pronounce in the capacity of Deputy President of the ANC for the duration of this trial.

153. The trial proceeded through the first half of 2006 and concluded in the Deputy President being acquitted on 9 May 2006. Following his acquittal comrade Jacob Zuma resumed his duties as Deputy President of the ANC. On the 20th September 2006, the corru ption case against Deputy President of the ANC was struck off the roll.

154. Another issue which placed the NEC and the movement as a whole under considerable strain was the saga involving a set of emails. In this regard, on 17 March 2007, the NEC stated:

The NEC received a report from the Task Team that was set up to look at the matter of alleged e-mails purporting to originate from some of the leaders of the movement.

The meeting expressed its gratitude to the Task Team for the effort they put into investigating this matter in so far as it affected the ANC.

The report dealt with technical matters around this issue, as well as organisational and political questions arising therefrom.

Having examined both the findings and recommendations of the Task Team on technical issues pertaining to the alleged e-mails, the NEC concluded as follows:

• There was nothing in the report that persuaded the NEC to depart from its earlier resolutions on this matter, including, among others, that none of its members was involved in the production of these e-mails, and its expression of confidence in the ofe of the Inspector-General of Intelligence.
• Noting the limitations in the technical capacity of the task team and some flaws in its approach, the conclusions of the report were not accepted.
• Arising from the above, the report was not adopted by the meeting. It therefore has no standing within the structures of the movement. The NEC considers these matters as closed.

The NEC wishes again to express its confidence in the members of the Task Team, and welcomes the diligence with which they undertook the task given to them.

155. As we noted at the NGC, the events of the last two years – including those described above and others, such as the so-called `Special Browse Mole` report – have placed the national leadership of our movement, including the NEC, the NWC and Officials, under unprecedented strain, as they have had to deal with issues and problems for which there is no precedent in the history of the ANC. The challenge of preserving our discipline, our unity and the values that define our movement has been enormous.

156. Although taking correct decisions and positions, and despite ongoing discussion of the matters at hand in an open and frank manner, the NEC continued to suffer from a number of negative tendencies throughout, including the following:

• One manifestation of the problems that structures such as the NEC and NWC began to face was the phenomena of media leaks from `unnamed sources` on the content of NEC or NWC discussions. At times these leaks provided journalists with accurate information r egarding the content of NEC discussions. At other times they consisted of complete fabrications, designed to serve the nefarious purposes of mischievous elements.
• Notwithstanding the decisions of the NEC to “intensify organisational and mass work by members of the NEC, strengthen branches and encourage comprehensive reflection on strategic political issues as part of branch programmes, and strengthen political educ ation institutions and ensure they are well-resourced to carry out their functions” there is little evidence that we, as a collective, applied ourselves to these tasks.

157. As noted above, the President and Deputy President said “we wish to assert that there is one ANC, and therefore reject the notion that individuals should be required to choose sides, on the basis of the absolutely false assertion that we lead two cont ending factions within the movement”, and this assertion has been accepted by the NEC.

158. However, in the run up to the 52nd National Conference, the process of nomination of candidates has exposed the manifestations of two contending factions within the movement, each of which is ferociously lobbying in support of two lists, one of which is headed by the President (and which excludes the Deputy President), while the other is headed by the Deputy President (and excludes the President).

159. These lists have been punted quite openly by groupings within the movement, with the active participation of some members of the current NEC. Despite having been party to the NEC`s adoption of guidelines on the process of nominating and electing leade rship, these members have, in the recent period, completely ignored both the spirit and letter of these guidelines in order to participate in public campaigns to condemn and denigrate some leaders within the movement and glorify others.

160. In the course of these factionalist activities, aimed at securing election to the leadership of the movement of one chosen group over another, branches have been treated as `voting fodder`, in which nominations and other key decisions are taken withou t the benefit of any serious political discussion before issues of nominations are discussed.

161. We have received numerous complaints from branches concerning a variety of infringements of the guidelines, and there have been references to the possibility of money, some intimidation and promises of government positions being thrown into the electo ral pot. All of these complaints have been referred to the Electoral Commission. The incoming NEC should investigate the allegations made and, where appropriate, take disciplinary action.

162. All of this has happened during the term of office of the current NEC, the highest decision making body in between conferences. What this means is that, quite clearly, this NEC has failed to resolve the divisive issues that have plagued the movement i n the past few years.

163. As we can see from the preceding discussion, it is not as if the NEC has not discussed the issues. We have on various occasions done so, and emerged with collective views that we reckoned had united the leadership and would in turn help unite the memb ership. This includes the efforts by the President and the Deputy President to dispel `myths` around any divisions between them on issues of policy and at a personal level. But it would be to bury our heads in the sand not to acknowledge that the Mbeki/Zum a template has become a part of the frame of reference, including amongst the membership and within senior leadership collectives, including the NEC.

164. In this context, the question that we must answer is where is the ANC?

• The ANC is not, has never been and will never be a faction.
• When elected leaders at the highest level openly engage in factionalist activity, where is the movement that aims to unite the people of South Africa for the complete liberation of the country from all forms of discrimination and national oppression?
• When money changes hands in the battle for personal power and aggrandizement, where is the movement that is built around a membership that joins without motives of material advantage and personal gain?
• When the members of the NEC themselves engage in factionalist activity, media leaks and rumour mongering, how can we expect the membership of our movement to carry out their duties to observe discipline, behave honestly and carry out loyally the decision of the majority and the decision of higher bodies?
• When lists favoured by a chosen grouping are rammed down the throats of branches, without the benefit of political discussion, where is the ANC?

165. These are the questions that the 52nd National Conference should answer. Each one of us here, including the NEC members, PEC members, branch delegates, Leagues and Alliance partners must ask ourselves how we have contributed towards this dire situatio n. Each one of us here must ask how we should conduct ourselves at this conference to resolve these problems in a manner that future generations will be proud of.

166. All of us have a duty to place the ANC back at the centre. All of us have a duty to criticise ourselves and measure our conduct against the benchmarks set by our forebears, including J.B. Marks, Moses Kotane, Chief Luthuli, Dr. Dadoo, Oliver Tambo, Wa lter Sisulu, Braam Fischer, Lillian Ngoyi, Ray Alexander, Govan Mbeki, Reg September and Nelson Mandela.

167. All of us must re-assess our contribution to building on the values and organisational practices that we have inherited from their sterling contribution. All of us have a duty to rectify our own behaviour and conduct, so that it meets the standards se t by our forebears and the expectations of the generations that are yet to follow us.

The ANC Youth League

168. The ANC Youth League aims to unite and lead young men and women in confronting and dealing with the problems that face the youth and in ensuring that the youth make a full and rich contribution to the work of the ANC and the life of the nation. The Yo uth League continues to play its historic role as the vocal and radical voice of militant youth, acting within the broad policies and political discipline of the ANC.

169. The ANC Youth League membership remains predominantly African, with a high participation of young women. Whilst its membership has always been drawn from the unemployed youth and youth educational institutions, there has been an increase of membership from young professionals and youth in business.

170. The Youth League has extended its organisation, including through the establishment of ANCYL branches on university campuses. In two provinces, North West and Northern Cape, there are more Youth League branches than ANC branches, and in the North West Province the members of the Youth League are more than the audited membership of the ANC.

171. However, much more work needs to be done to extend youth league branches in the other provinces where, on average, only half of ANC branches operate in areas where there is also a Youth League branch. Also, the state of organisation of the Youth Leagu e branches is uneven, with some being quite strong and others relatively weak.

TABLE 5: Membership of the ANC Youth League

172. The Youth League`s programme of action has been guided by their 22nd National Conference, held in August 2004. Its pillars include:

• Organisational Development and Youth Mobilisation, including through the recruitment of the youth into the ranks of the organization and ensuring their participation in the implementation of the organizational programme. The Youth League has sustained a c onsistent campaign mobilizing the youth against substance abuse, HIV and Aids, crime awareness and the campaign against women and children abuse.
• Transformation of Education, which has focused on access to free and compulsory education. The League has intervened where students were denied access to education because they had no finance. Coupled with that has been the campaign against racism in Tert iary Institutions.
• Transformation and development of sports, which has seen the Youth League engage in a sustained and robust dialogue with sport fraternity
• Youth and economic participation: The campaign entailed the engagement with the private sector, meeting with a number of companies including Tourism South Africa, Chamber of Mines, the Banking Council and others to invest on skills development through mas sification of leanerships and to ensure that those who get enrolled for learnerships are taken into full time employment after such programme. The highlight of this campaign was a day of action where there were marches to the private sector institutions in all provinces to focus them on creating jobs for youth and an end casualisation. This campaign also included a march to Union Building demanding government to focus on the creation of jobs for youth and implement the Integrated Youth Development Strategy.

173. The ANCYL also engaged around media and publicity, gender issues, governance and legislature and international programmes.

174. Currently, the National Conference of the Youth League is overdue, and the NEC, which was elected in August 2004, has extended its term of office beyond the three years stipulated in the Constitution, and the National Conference has now been scheduled for April 2008. In Eastern Cape, Mpumalanga and Western Cape, there are no elected PECs. This situation should be remedied as soon as possible and the Youth League needs to urgently address its organisational and structural weaknesses.

175. To the extent that the Youth League serves to prepare leadership for the ANC, the ANC must continue to take an active role in nurturing, guiding and mentoring its youth wing. At the same time whilst it is a prerogative of youth to be radical and outsp oken, this should in no way be a substitute for solid organisation and a license to eschew the tenets of organisational discipline. It cannot be correct that the Youth League pronounces and acts in a manner that creates the perception that it is not quite amenable to the organisational discipline of the ANC.

The ANC Women`s League

176. The ANC Women`s League continues to be seized with the task of mobilising women and pursuing the advancement and emancipation of women, including through the struggle to defeat patriarchal relations. It is generally recognised as the leading organisat ion of women in the country.

TABLE 6: Membership of the ANCWL – February 2007

177. The Women`s League has been able to give leadership to society through its programme of action, which aims to unite women by mobilizing them around common challenges. They have been able to revive the spirit of activism of South African women through activities such as the campaign to save the life of Amina Lawal, find Rasuge campaign and the launch of the Progressive Women`s Movement of South Africa from 5-8 August 2006, in Bloemfontein.

178. The most important achievement of the Women`s League over the last five years has been the launch of the Progressive Women`s Movement of South Africa in 2006. Continuing the work that began in the 1950s and before, the PWMSA strives for the removal of all laws, regulations, conventions and customs that discriminate against women and deprive them in any way of their inherent right to the advantages, responsibilities and opportunities that society offers to any other section of the population. Since the national launch, structures of the PWMSA have been established in six of the nine provinces.

179. Building on this achievement, our whole movement is looking forward to the congress of the Pan African Women`s Organisation, which is scheduled to take place on 14-17 February 2008 in Johannesburg. Five hundred delegates from across the continent of A frica will attend this historic congress.

180. The profile of the Women`s League is predominantly older black women, largely from amongst the unskilled, semi-skilled and unemployed working class. Most of them are from informal settlements and rural areas. They constitute a vulnerable group in soci ety and yet they are highly active in the issues of change and social transformation.

181. A critical challenge for the Women`s League remains the recruitment and integration of women from professional, middle strata backgrounds and young women. This extends to many women who are members of the ANC, but choose not to join the women`s league .

ANC National Parliamentary Caucus

182. The ANC Caucus has the responsibility to oversee the implementation of organisational polices in the context of governance and legislation. It has to work collectively as a cohesive ANC detachment in Parliament to realise the objectives of creating a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa. Caucus has to achieve these goals within the context of evolving and implementing people-centred legislation, effective oversight systems and ensuring the involvement and participation of the people in our system of government.

183. The first years of Parliament faced the challenge of a root and branch reconstruction of the apartheid statute book. An entirely new system of laws, regulations and policies had to be piloted through our parliamentary system, while a complete revision of the institutional architecture of governance took place. In the last five years, the legislative challenge has, while still critically important, become less challenging, and Parliament has realised the need to shift the emphasis of its work to oversig ht function.

184. The ANC hundreds public representatives at national and provincial level, supported by an ample staff compliment, including those deployed in over 1,000 Parliamentary Constituency Offices. With these resources at their disposal, the ANC`s public repre sentatives should constitute an army of ANC cadres deployed across the country work with and among the people to improve their quality of life. Many of them are active in the structures of the movement at various levels and they are contributing a great de al in the political life of our structures.

185. However, others could do a great deal more in their constituencies to build the ANC and mobilise the people behind the tasks of transformation. There is also a need to improve the coordination of their work with the ANC branches, and in particular, to strengthen the relationship between ANC structures and the Parliamentary Constituency Offices.

186. The ANC needs to take steps to strengthen the Caucuses as critical instruments for robust oversight, mutual accountability, collective leadership and discipline amongst cadres deployed to government, parliament, legislatures and municipalities. Alread y we have some of the best functioning Caucuses at different spheres of governance. There is no need to depart radically from the current model of Caucuses. What we need is to strengthen coordination and interface between the Caucuses and the ANC structure s to give effect to the principle that the ANC is the ultimate strategic centre of power.

MK Military Veterans Association

187. This year marks the fortieth anniversary of the Hwange and Sipolilo campaigns, at the commencement of which, on the banks of the great Zambezi river, comrade Oliver Tambo christened a detachment of MK combatants with the name of Luthuli, in honour of our great President, Chief Albert Luthuli, who had passed away earlier in 1967. We salute the veterans of the Luthuli Detachment!

188. They were amongst the generations of gallant former soldiers, who gathered for the 3rd national Conference of the MKMVA, held earlier this year. It is with a great sense of satisfaction that we are able to report that more than 800 delegates attended this important conference from throughout the country. Amongst these 800 were the very first generation of MK combatants such as Andrew Mlangeni and Ben Turok. Delegates had extensive discussions on the state of the organisation of the MKMVA, the need for its strengthening, improving the socio economic well being of its members and the need for extensive organisational renewal.

189. We trust that in the coming years, the revival of MKMVA will be able to effectively implement the programmes it has adopted as resolutions of its national conference, and will therefore make a vital contribution to the strength and unity of the Africa n National Congress.

190. The constitutional role of the MKMVA is a matter that requires further debate within our movement, including during this 52nd National Conference. A basis for this discussion is contained in the Organisational Renewal document and the draft resolution s of the National Policy Conference.

THE ALLIANCE AND MDM STRUCTURES

191. The ANC is the leader of the core of organised forces that drive transformation, represented by the Alliance of the ANC, the South African Communist Party (SACP), the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African National Civic s Organisation (SANCO). All these organisations remain firmly committed to the creation of a new society based on the principles of the Freedom Charter. The ANC in particular, and the Alliance in general, are the organisational fountain from which issues t he ideas, strategies, programmes, conduct and demeanour that should inform the project of fundamental change.

192. The traditions that underpin our approach to the Alliance go back at least as far as the Doctors Pact of 1947. Sixty years ago, Doctors Xuma, Dadoo and Naicker entered into a pact as leaders of the African National Congress, the Transvaal Indian Congr ess and Natal Indian Congress respectively, to pursue a joint campaign of passive resistance. This brought the practice of working together as a united front on a joint programme of action to the fore, and was the precursor to the building of the Congress Alliance of the 1950s. We salute the towering memory of these great leaders of our movement!

193. This year, we also celebrate the 90th anniversary of the formation of the Industrial Workers of Africa in which members of the ANC and the International Socialist League, worked together to establish the first national union of African workers. This y ear also marks the fiftieth anniversary of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) a pound a day national minimum wage campaign.

194. In general terms, the Alliance continues to function very well as a structure, with the meetings of the Alliance secretariat taking place regularly, and a variety of Alliance forums existing at national provincial and local levels. In the period under review an Alliance Summit took place, and numerous bi-lateral meetings and ten-a-side meetings of national leadership, including national officials of all Alliance partners were held. These discussed a variety of programmatic, ideological and political is sues. But behind the effective functioning of structures is the reality of problems that arise in particular from the failure of the Alliance to implement a common programme.

195. In 2002, we agreed at Ekurhuleni that the strategic foundation of our Alliance remains valid and intact:

“The primary task of this epoch is the creation of a national democratic society. All the classes and strata which share this objective, as well as the schools of thought found in the democratic movement, see this as their current strategic objective. Ther e is one NDR, at the core of which the liberation of black people in general and Africans in particular. Among these classes and strata, the working class is the leading motive force.” 196. During preparations for the Growth and Development Summit of 2003 and the 2004 general election, the alliance functioned well as a part of the ANC`s policy process, which shaped the mandate of government in the form of the 2004 Manifesto, which called for accelerated and shared growth in order to halve unemployment and poverty by the year 2014. The Alliance also formed a critical part of the campaigning forces in the elections of 2004 and 2006.

197. Ekurhuleni II (held in 2005) reaffirmed our unity, and the strategic foundation of the Alliance as articulated by the 2002 Summit. Ekurhuleni II went further to record substantial convergence within the Alliance on the interventions required to take f orward our common vision:

“Our discussions over these two days have confirmed for us a growing strategic convergence among our formations on the key challenges facing our society, and, above all, on the key short and medium-term measures that are required to address these.” 198. Critical to the outcomes of Ekurhuleni II was agreement on an alliance programme of action. The programme was premised on a thorough assessment of the first ten years of freedom and a clear set of perspectives on our programmes in the second decade of freedom. The pillars of the Alliance programme we agreed to were:

• Coordination and Leadership to Society
• The year of the Freedom Charter
• Advancing the Growth and Development Summit agreements
• People`s Power for Local Development
• Solidarity in Africa and the World

199. Unfortunately we must report that the Alliance did little to implement the programme. Despite ongoing meetings of the secretariat and other structures, and despite strong Alliance relations in some province, none of the partners devoted the necessary resources or energy to realise the objectives we had set ourselves. Our inability to sustain mass campaigns, and clear programmatic work – especially in between election campaigns is the most critical challenge that the Alliance faces. Each component of th e Alliance tends to independently spearhead its own campaigns, and little time or energy is left over for joint work.

200. In the absence of concerted implementation of a common programme, cracks have started to appear at the level of strategic conceptualisation, especially in the public discourse, with analyses and public statements that suggest different expectations of the NDR, conflicting readings of the balance of forces, divergent interpretations of the role of the progressive trade union movement and of a Communist Party in the midst of the NDR.

201. Especially in public communication, the tone as well as the content of pronouncements emanating from leaders of all components of the Alliance suggest a house divided. The profound lesson that has emerged from this, for all components of the Tripartit e Alliance is that, divisive issues within any of our organisations, and divisive conduct on the part of senior leaders of the Allies, are bound to rent apart not one, but each of the partners. In turn, such conduct will divide the motive forces and society at large.

202. Partly as a consequence of these weaknesses, voices within all our formations have increasingly begun to ask whether the basis of a unifying vision has been eroded. If it is indeed the case that the common strategic vision of the Alliance is beginning to erode then this poses a serious challenge for all Alliance partners, particularly the ANC. It may be that real questions and important debates about such issues have been limited by the lack of consistent and ongoing political education work within all our formations, both separately and collectively.

203. If this is the case, then reviving joint political work and joint programmes of political education will be central in renewing our sense of a common historic mission. On the other hand, overcoming the cleavage in our visions of the future may require us to reformulate the manner in which we engage with the tasks of the present.

204. Even if we were to succeed in re-establishing a unifying vision, and a common sense of purpose within the Alliance, this may be an insufficient basis on which to confront the challenges posed by the current phase of the NDR. We may agree that ours is an `organic Alliance` forged in bitter struggle against a common enemy, but is this a valid basis (on its own) for the type of formation required to respond to the challenges of reconstruction and development on the terrain of democratic governance. In oth er words, are the modes of operation and organisational practices associated with the operation of the Alliance in earlier times sufficient to confront the real challenges we face today?

205. Against the backdrop of these profound changes in our role in society, especially since we have assumed the role of governing party, we need to pose the question whether we have adequately reformulated the strategic and structural basis of the Allianc e. Further, are the organisational mechanisms we currently have adequate; and if not, is this due to a change in the political environment, emergent divergent strategic outlooks or sheer ineffectiveness of these organisational mechanisms?

206. Whatever the case may be, the current reality of democratic state power, which is a critical (if not primary) terrain to advance the goals of the NDR, poses new challenges and contradictions. But our Alliance has remained largely informal, resting on general assumptions about the trajectory of the NDR. The questions we should now pose are:

• Have we tended to rest on the comforting laurels of our historic camaraderie and avoided the difficult structural questions posed by the new situation?
• Have we assumed (wrongly) that strategic convergence on long term objectives would be sufficient to manage the complexities of democratic governance?
• Has there been a gradual erosion of that common strategic vision, which has now transformed into a fundamental rupture?
• In the context of the challenges and demands of state power, not least the challenge of building the democratic hegemony of the national democratic state throughout society, is it time to consider a more detailed set of protocols around which the relation ship with the Alliance partners can be constructed anew?

207. These and other questions relating to the structuring of the Alliance require further discussion and engagement within the incoming NEC. In this regard, we also recommend that an Alliance Summit be held within three months after National Conference to align the outcomes of all the partners` conferences/congresses and consolidate strategic approaches and programmes

208. Another set of issues that relate to the Alliance is the role of the South African National Civics Organisation (SANCO), which was formed to unite residents and communities in a powerful national civic movement.

209. Following SANCOs abortive 4th National Conference of 11- 13 December 2006, which was held almost two years after the lapse of the term of office of the national leadership, the President of SANCO requested the ANC to assist the organisation to overcom e the deep difficulties in which it found itself. These included persistent tensions at the highest level of leadership that threatened to tear the organisation apart.

210. The ANC National Chairperson and Secretary General, together with our Alliance partners have engaged with the leadership of SANCO and convened numerous meetings aimed at finding lasting solutions to the challenges that the civic movement faces. In thi s context it was resolved that the SANCO NEC would establish an interim leadership core convened by the ANC, comprised of three ANC representatives, two from the SACP and COSATU respectively and six SANCO nominees, which would have the powers of the SANCO working committee. The main task of the ILC was to prepare for a national conference of SANCO.

211. In addition to the ILC a Committee of Senior Leaders was established to address tensions and personal differences amongst the SANCO national leadership. Unfortunately, the Committee of Senior Leaders did not materialise and the national conference, or iginally scheduled for September 2007 could not be convened. At the last SANCO NEC meeting on 27 October 2007, attended by members of the ILC, it was agreed that this work should continue after the 52nd National Conference of the ANC. The SANCO NEC also ag reed on the composition of its delegation to the 52nd National Conference. The incoming NEC of the ANC would need to take this matter forward.

212. The ANC also continues to provide support and guidance to the South African Students Congress (SASCO) and the Congress of South African Students (COSAS).

MASS WORK AND THE PROGRAMMES OF NEC SUB-COMMITTEES

ELECTIONS AND OTHER MASS CAMPAIGNS

213. Our preparations for the 2004 national and provincial election campaigns began soon after the conclusion of our 51st National Conference. As noted above, the election campaign saw an unprecedented mobilisation of ANC members as volunteers, particularl y in door-to-door work. Our overwhelming victory in 2004 marked a decisive moment in the advance of the National Democratic Revolution. Not only did the ANC increase its majority at national level and in every province, but also the unity in action of the entire Alliance enabled the single most significant mobilisation of the South African people since the democratic breakthrough in 1994.

214. In countless face-to-face meetings with our people we were able to identify problems that ordinary South Africans face, and listen to the solutions that they themselves put forward. Through Iimbizo and outreach to numerous structures of civil society the message of our movement`s election manifesto was given life and the quality of democratic participation was deepened. As election observers, sometimes deployed to the most hostile environments, members of our alliance organisations were able to extend the frontiers of democracy, particularly in KwaZulu Natal, and further advance the consolidation of the NDR.

215. As a result, the ANC now leads the governments of all nine provinces, creating the potential for accelerated implementation of the NDR. Although overall voter turnout was lower than in 1999, turnout remained exceptionally high in black, working class communities, where the overwhelming majority once again expressed their confidence in the ANC. Overall, the ANC received more votes in 2004 than in 1999.

216. We also consolidated our position in the 2006 local government elections. Not only did the ANC significantly improve its percentage support and increase the number of councils it controls, but it did so in a context where even greater numbers of voter s made their mark. In the previous local government elections 8.8 million people voted and the ANC received 60% support. In 2006, more than 10.2 million people voted and the ANC received 66% of the votes.

217. Following the decision of the African Union that we should advance towards a target of equal representation of women as public representatives across the continent, the NGC resolved that, in respect of the local government elections, 50% of ANC counci llors should be women. This decision provided a testing ground for the implementation of this important resolution. The ANC has elected more women councillors than ever before, and more than any other party. Nevertheless, we have failed to meet our target of 50% women public representatives. Only three provinces (Gauteng, North West and Northern Cape) have succeeded in meeting the quota. In particular the Western Cape and KwaZulu Natal failed dismally.

TABLE 7: Proportion of ANC elected councillors who are women following the 2006 Local Government Elections

218. The challenge we face is that, since our Parliament is a multi-party parliament, and therefore if we are to realise the AU`s decision in practice we would require a dialogue with all parties in parliament as a prelude to a national decision on this ma tter. However, the ANC must continue to be the leading actor, both in theory and in practice, regarding the extension of the representation of women. Following the National Policy Conference of June 2007, one of the key proposed amendments to the Constitut ion of the ANC is in regards to this matter. The NEC has also endorsed the proposal that the Constitution of the ANC be amended by this conference so that all structures of the ANC should be composed of at least 50% women.

219. As has been noted in previous reports, we have faced significant challenges in sustaining mass work and campaigns in between elections. This applies to national campaigns as much as it does to local campaign work. Nevertheless, branches, regions and p rovinces of the movement have in many areas participated in campaigns around a wide variety of issues, including: the rights of farm workers, campaigns against substance and alcohol abuse, in abhorrence of brutal acts against community members, against cri me, activism against domestic violence, campaigns to counter the abuse of women and children, to support people living with HIV and AIDS and raise awareness in the community, in international solidarity and many more.

220. Nevertheless, it remains true that except during elections, the ANC`s engagement with the mass terrain has been inadequate. The ANC does interact with the people through its branches and across the length and breadth of the country. However, we have n ot developed the necessary organisational mechanisms to ensure that such interaction finds expression consistently through civil society formations, trade unions, single issue campaigns, business groups, religious community, student, women`s and other orga nisations.

221. As part of our efforts to sustain ongoing mass work and build the ANC continuously, the NEC developed guidelines for the `Imvuselelo Campaign`, which was rolled out throughout the county over the last two years. Imvuselelo is about the members of the organisation coming together to do house visits, to talk to our people about the programme of the ANC and identify issues that the people themselves are concerned with, that should form part of the ANC`s programme. Another objective of the campaign was to reintegrate members who had been passive or who had not renewed their membership.

222. Whilst uneven, the Imvuselelo campaign has had a notable impact in building ANC branches and sustaining mass work throughout the country. In a number of provinces, the growth of membership is directly related to the Imvuselelo campaign, which has also enabled our branches to develop a better understanding of the communities in which they live and ensure dynamic contact between ANC members, the community and structures of government. Through this campaign the visibility and political prestige of the ANC was enhanced in many communities.

223. The Imvuselelo campaign must become a permanent feature of ANC work in the coming years, as part of our programme leading up to the centenary of the ANC.

224. The NEC also deployed a number of its cadres to various sectors of society to do outreach and mass work. This includes deployment to the religious sector, through the Commission on Religious Affairs, engagement with the progressive labour movement, th rough the labour committee, as well as work amongst minorities. An outstanding example of the latter has been work with the Hellenic, Italian and Portuguese communities in the HIP alliance, which has managed to draw many members of these communities into t he structures of the ANC.

225. Since the Stellenbosch conference the ANC has been active in a number of international solidarity campaigns. Prior to the USA`s invasion of Iraq, our members played a leading role in the Stop the War campaign, which supported the stance our country to ok in the United Nations against unilateralism and aggression of the militarily powerful countries against the weak nations of the world. The campaign succeeded in uniting a wide range of organisations behind a common banner against imperialist aggression and led to mass activities throughout the length and breadth of the country. Unfortunately we did not succeed in dissuading the USA and its allies, such as Britain and Australia, from their costly and misguided action, and the whole world is now paying the price.

226. The ANC has also been at the forefront of campaigns in solidarity with the people of Palestine. In this area too, we have managed to work together with a wide range of organisations in opposition to the brutal occupation of Palestinian lands by the st ate of Israel. At the same time we have actively promoted the cause of dialogue and peace, in recognition of the need for everlasting solutions to the common problems of the people of the Middle East, Palestinians and Israelis alike.

227. A third critical area of international solidarity has been with the people of Cuba, who continue to suffer under the yoke of a vindictive and counter-productive blockade imposed by the US government. Over the last year our solidarity work with Cuba ha s also focused on the plight of the Cuban Five, who remain in American jails, despite their valiant efforts to expose terrorist plots being hatched on American soil against the beautiful people of that tiny but resilient island.

THE WORK OF NEC SUB-COMMITTEES

Political Education and Training

228. With regard to political education and training, the ANC has been running political classes and schools for branches, regions and provincial leadership and the Leagues. Some provinces even run political classes for the trade unions and civics. However , the scale of our current political education programmes is not sufficient to make a decisive impact on the quality of organisation. There is no disciplined approach to cadreship development.

229. The current curriculum is not implemented systematically across all the levels of the organization and provinces run different programmes. Consequently, cadres graduating from branch, regional and provincial political classes in different provinces do not go through the same curriculum. The institutionalisation of political education at national and provincial level and allocation of appropriate resources to this important area of work will go a long way in correcting some of the internal problems of t he movement.

230. The broad picture in the provinces is as follows:

• Gauteng has since 2006 implemented a 26-week political school programme for all branches. The scope of the curriculum includes the history of the ANC, the international situation, evolving of the present South African State, spheres of governance, develop ment and political theories and political economy.
• The North West has since 2005 implemented a consistent programme of political education for the PECs of the ANC and the leagues. In addition, they have embarked on a programme of seminars on “battle of ideas” that deal with a range of contemporary issues.
• In KZN a series of regional political schools were held, consisting of three modules of facilitation skills and ANC policies and perspectives (Freedom Charter, RDP, Alliance, History of liberation in SA, SA Constitution and Governance). The last module de alt with pre-1994 negotiations and the ANC PoA as outlined in the Strategy and Tactics.
• In Limpopo workshops focusing on the history of the ANC, organisational principles and leadership challenges have been held at a sub-regional level for all branches.
• In the Eastern Cape, as part of preparations for the provincial conference in 2006, workshops were held focusing the provincial challenges.
• In the Free State a number of regions have had political education discussions on a regular basis.
• Mpumalanga has conducted political school for members of the provincial legislature. The province has also engaged in political induction of all councillors after the 2006 elections, and inductions for REC members.
• Northern Cape has focused on synergising work between branches and councillors. Workshops have been held at a regional level for BEC and REC members taking forward the implementation challenges of the local government election manifesto post the 2006 elec tions.
• In the Western Cape an attempt initiated by PETU to assist in conducting political education for regional ANC leadership and public representatives was unsuccessful.

231. In addition, the Secretary General has conducted political induction of all provincial executive structures as and when they were elected. The provinces have also sought to do the same with regional and branch leadership structures.

232. As can be seen from the above, performance among the provinces has been uneven. This has somewhat weakened political and ideological discourse within the ANC and the broader democratic movement and the implementation of the ANC`s programme of action g enerally.

233. Members of political education sub-committee of the NEC continue to participate and support activities arranged by our alliance partners and MDM structures. They have been actively involved in facilitating discussions in particular at Political School s of unions such as NUM, NUMSA and SADTU on the ANC`s draft Strategy and Tactics, as well as forums of students, academic, business and other sectors. It should be noted that the draft Strategy and Tactics document has served as a critical platform for ide ological engagement within and beyond the Alliance.

234. The SGO arranged Study Tours to Cuba and People`s Republic of China in 2006. The delegation to Cuba was led by the Secretary General and included the Secretaries General of the ANCWL and ANCYL, the ANC Provincial Secretaries, the Policy Coordinator an d members of Political Education and Training Unit. The delegation to China was led by a member of the NEC (comrade Ngoako Ramatlhodi) and consisted of the Secretary General of the ANCWL and ANCYL, Provincial Secretaries and members of PETU.

235. The Secretary General also undertook a study tour of China with members of the NEC, PETU and the International Relations Sub-Committee in March 2007. The Secretary General also led a delegation that included COSATU and SACP to Bolivia in February 2007 .

236. The objectives of the study tours were to draw lesions on party building, mass mobilisation and challenges of development. The varied insights gained included:

• The functioning of the Communist Parties of Cuba and PRC
• The importance of cadre development and the institutions of political education, including party schools.
• The role of the party and its organs in strategic thinking and providing guidance to the state and society.
• Roles of and relationship between the National, Provincial and Local organisational and government structures in the respective countries
• Challenges confronted by parties in Cuba and the PRC and the mechanisms utilised to overcome them
• Lessons from China`s sustained economic growth path.

237. The political education committee proposes that Conference seriously considers the resource constraints that presently impede implementation of the ANC PoA, including a comprehensive political education programme. The committee also recommends that Co nference should resolve that:

• The NEC ensures that political education is directly linked to policy development and implementation as well as tasks of mass organisation and mobilisation
• The NEC develops a concrete programme to acquire human and material resources for political education generally, and for the establishment of the Political School with various options including distance education and alignment with the initiative to set u p the Policy Institute
• The incoming NEC undergoes political induction at the inception of its term of office: the SGO should work on this even before the NEC Sub-committees are set up
• The incoming PESC ensures that corresponding structures are set up at provincial and regional levels to oversee political education work
• The PESC should meet its provincial counterparts at least once a year, and provincial structures in turn should meet their regional counterparts at least twice a year: for planning as well as monitoring and evaluation.

Media and Communications

238. The role of ANC media has also been critical in our mass work over the last five years. ANC Today has been consistently published every week, and has become an important channel of communication between national leadership, the branches of our movement and wider society.

239. The unit remains the main point of contact between the organisation and the media on issues of ANC policy, programmes, activities and positions. With the exception of the election period, this work is generally reactive in nature and often defensive.

240. Since 2006, additional efforts have been made to engage with media in an informal setting. This has included hosting media briefing dinners with the participation of several NEC members around topical areas of ANC programme. There have also been newsr oom visits to a number of the main print media organisations by members of the NEC Communications Committee to exchange views with senior editorial staff.

241. Umrabulo is published in conjunction with the Political Education and Training Unit (PETU). The Communications Unit provides production capacity while PETU generally takes responsibility for content. Thirteen editions were published during this period .

242. Mayibuye has not been published since November 2003. Up to that point, a printing company had been carrying the costs of production and printing – including providing an editorial team to work on the paper. The intention was that these costs would be recovered through advertising revenue. However, this approach did not work, with very little advertising revenue being raised. At the same time, it was difficult to produce a quality product with direct relevance to the programmes and message of the ANC be cause there was little in-house ANC editorial capacity. There was also a lack of strategic direction for the paper.

243. The ANC web site continues to be a major source of information about the ANC, its history, activities and policies. It is updated on an ongoing basis with new statements, speeches, publications, etc. The site is maintained by Unwembi Communications, with the content provided by the unit. The busiest month on record was April 2004 with just less than 1.2 million hits and the busiest day was 22 April 2004 with 63,000 hits.

244. ANC Today has been produced weekly over this period. An average of fifty editions are produced each year. ANC Today is in its seventh year of production and its popularity and influence has increased. This has mainly been due to the President`s weekly letter, which receives wide coverage in the national media, and even in international media. The number of subscribers who receive ANC Today by e-mail each week rose from 3,000 in January 2003 to 15,000 in November 2007. Together with the number of people reading it on the web site, it is estimated that around 17,000 people read it in electronic form. It is also faxed in print format to all ANC provincial offices.

245. The ANC also distributes a daily compilation of news articles from SAPA by e-mail. This is available free through the website. This service has been running for several years, and is administered by Unwembi. By November 2007 there were 1,240 subscribe rs.

246. All ANC, ANC Youth League and ANC Women`s League press statements are also available by e-mail distribution. People wishing to receive these statements can subscribe for free on the web site. By the November 2007, there were 1,677 subscribers to this service.

247. Twenty-five editions of the NEC Bulletin have been produced during this period. The NEC Bulletin is distributed by fax to all provinces, and by e-mail to NEC members, various deployed cadres in government and other sectors, and all ANC e-mail addresse s. The last NWC Briefing was produced in June 2006, covering the list process for the 2006 elections. Originally intended as a medium to circulate information and messages arising out of the fortnightly NWC meetings, some of this function has now been over taken by the weekly ANC Today. It is nevertheless used from time to time to communicate various internal organisational matters. It is distributed in the same manner as the NEC Bulletin.

The National Policy Sub-Committee

248. The process of developing the Manifesto for both the national and provincial elections and the local government elections commenced in 2003. The consultation process was an intensive and extensive one. The ANC had an expansive dialogue amongst all of its organisational structures from a branch to national level as well with the Alliance, civil society organisations and leading progressive members of think tanks and academia. One of the resultant outputs of the manifesto was the decisive majority that t he ANC achieved in both elections.

249. The policy sub-committee and other sub-committees of the NEC also led discussions leading to the NGC at all levels of the organisation, starting at branches. Five discussion documents, aimed at stimulating debate in the structures of the movement and among its cadres, were distributed throughout the country.

• Guidelines on discussion of Strategy and Tactics
• Unity of the Movement
• Development and Underdevelopment
• The National Question
• The organisational design of the ANC: “A case for internal renewal” 250. Preparations for the National Policy Conference commenced in September 2006 with the process of developing the framework of the draft Strategy and Tactics document and organizational renewal documents. The draft strategy and tactics was finalized for distribution after the January 2007 Lekgotla. The NEC finalized all other draft documents for approval by the end of February 2007.

251. Documents were simplified and questions to guide discussions were developed for branches. 5 delegates per branch comprising 3 from the ANC, and each from the Leagues were requested to attend the training at a Sub-regional level. In addition representa tion from COSATU, SACP, SASCO and COSAS also attended the workshops that were facilitated by the Political Education and Training Unit. Post the training all branches were encouraged to engage with discussions around issues that directly affected the branc h with respect to the different policy areas. Branches were encouraged to send copies of their proposals to the provincial and national offices .Most NEC Sub-Committees held sectoral workshops. These workshops were designed in a manner to encourage partici pation from a broad range of social forces. It must be highlighted that participation at the ETC forums was most successful. In addition to the above the ANC also received submissions from Disabled Peoples Association of South Africa and the Hellenic Itali an and Portuguese Communities.

252. The ANC`s 1997 and 2002 conference passed resolutions calling for the establishment of an ANC Policy Institute. The role of the Policy Institute is to determine the extent to which ANC policies are implemented in the different spheres of its operation s as well as to review the performance of its cadres deployed there. In addition it would act as a think tank that could propose shifts in policy and evaluate impact of government implementation. The physical infrastructure for the Policy Institute has bee n procured. However, to date the operationalization of the institute has been thwarted by resource constraints.

International Relations

253. The ANC and the ANC-led government continued to occupy a leading role in the international arena – within the United Nations (UN) where we assumed a position on the Security Council, in the Socialist International, Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), and othe r international organisations and forums.

254. Central to our work has been the task of ensuring that the African agenda is located high on the programme of various forums where we participate, so that Africa and her people play a stronger role in shaping a new and more equitable global political, economic and social order. We have also remained at the forefront in conflict resolution, conflict prevention and reconstruction of African countries such as Burundi, Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cote D`Ivoire, Comoros Islands, Western Sa hara and Sudan.

255. As the oldest liberation movement in Africa, the ANC has accumulated a variety experiences and learned from many other liberation movements on the continent and beyond. This reservoir of knowledge is highly regarded by progressive movements and partie s from around the world. In the period under review, the ANC has interacted with literally hundreds of parties from all continents of the world, and many countries in Africa in particular. Given limitations of space, we concentrate here on the main interac tions between the ANC and other parties on the African continent.

256. An ANC delegation, which included our Deputy President, Secretary General, as well as the Secretaries General of the Leagues and the Chair of the International Relations Sub-Committee of the NEC, visited Angola to build bilateral relations with the Mo vimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA). The delegation was received very warmly and met with national leadership, Luanda provincial leadership, municipalities and the women and youth structures of MPLA. We exchanged information on the political sit uation in Southern Africa, the challenges of reconstruction and development and the common challenges of building organisation. It was agreed that ANC and MPLA should hold bilateral meetings at least once a year.

257. The ANC also convenes tripartite meetings of ANC, MPLA and FRELIMO. We have also utilized the Socialist International meetings, taking place at least twice a year to interact with MPLA and FRELIMO.

258. During the period under review three meetings of former liberation movements in Southern Africa were held involving Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the South West African People`s Organisation (SWAPO), ZANU-PF, MPLA and FRELIMO. These meetings focussed on good governance, elections, the resolution of the land question and the peace process in Angola.

259. The ANC also sent delegation to attend the Conference of SWAPO in Namibia in December 2007. The ANC delegation consisted of two NEC members, comrades Ivy Matsepe-Casaburri and S`bu Ndebele.

260. The ANC sent a delegation to participate in meetings of Parties in Southern Africa. Chama Cha Mapinduzi was appointed as the Secretariat until the next meeting to be hosted by Botswana. Issues discussed covered parliamentary and presidential elections in the region, implementation of NEPAD, and the peace and reconstruction process on the continent.

261. The International Relations sub-committee of the NEC remains seized with the situation in Zimbabwe. We continued to interact with ZANU (PF), the MDC, civil society organisations and various South African organisations that remain engaged with Zimbabwe . Our primary concern has been the promotion of dialogue amongst Zimbabweans and the implementation of the agreements reached between ZANU (PF) and the MDC.

262. The ANC sent a delegation to participate in the Congress of the Ethiopian People`s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Bilateral meetings took place with the Prime Minister and Chairman of the EPRDF, who proposed that the ANC should convene meetin gs of the progressive parties in Africa.

263. During the period under review the Great Lakes region has been in conflict, but is now on the road to peace and stability. Successful elections have been held in both the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Burundi. In both cases this followed a proc ess of dialogue and negotiations in which our government played a significant role in terms of AU mandates. The ANC also contributed by interacting with the various parties involved in conflict and sharing our experiences of finding a peaceful solution.

264. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, our movement held meetings with senior leadership the PPRD, RCD, the Women`s Formations, and the DRC ambassador to South Africa. Issues dealt with centred on party building, the transition process, preparations for elections, and the process of reconstruction in the DRC. In preparations for elections the ANC was invited to the various party congresses, but took a decision not to attend any of them in order to ensure we are not seen to be supporting one party ove r others. ANC and Alliance cadres were identified as part of the election observer mission for the first and second round of elections for the presidency, parliament and provincial representatives. Post elections priorities are to continue assisting to bui ld democratic institutions, including party building, good governance, reconciliation, and ensuring lasting peace and security, especially in the Eastern part of the country.

265. Prior to elections in Burundi the ANC and government interacted with all the role players in order to help find an inclusive and peaceful solution to the conflict. A new government led by the CNDD-FDB was eventually elected. We continued to interact w ith the new leadership, which briefed us on the ongoing dialogue they have instituted for cooperation with other parties to build a broad consensus on the reconstruction and democratization of Burundi.

266. Other countries within the region that are also consolidating on peace, stability and entrenching democracy are Rwanda, Congo Brazzaville and Uganda. We have continued to interact with the Rwanda Patriotic Front, the Workers Party in Congo Brazzaville and the Movement in Uganda. Following the establishment of a multi-party system in Uganda, some of the newly established parties requested us to share experience on operating under a multiparty system.

267. In the Sudan, our role has been to share our experiences on how we participated in the negotiations and prepared ourselves for the governance process. We also focused on party building and mobilization strategies. A team of comrades has been identifie d to focus on Sudan. The ANC attended both the congresses of the Sudan People`s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the National Congress Party (NCP). A bilateral meeting was also held with the ANC President and President Al-Bashir of the NCP. The ANC President and Secretary General also attended the funeral of the late comrade John Garang in Juba. The challenge facing Sudan is the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The conflict in Darfur also remains a major concern.

268. With the assistance of the South African Ambassador accredited to Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde, we re-established relations with the PAIGC and the Party in Cape Verde. We attended the 50th anniversary of the PAIGC and a delegation led by the Deputy Pr esident visited the PAIGC. The PAIGC also visited South Africa through a delegation led by the Prime Minister. We committed ourselves to further assist as the ANC and government.

269. Through the Socialist International forums we continued to interact with the Front Populaire Ivorien of Cote d`Ivoire. The National Chairperson of the ANC has been key in pursuing this interaction aimed at reaching a solution to the conflict in that c ountry.

270. During the period under review we established relations with the MSLTP of Sao Tomé and Principe, which is a member of the SI and has a majority in parliament but lost the presidential elections. We shared experiences on party building, mobilization fo r elections and party funding, and agreed to assist each other in these areas and to work together in the SI and other multilateral forums to peruse the African Agenda.

271. A delegation including the Secretary General and the Treasurer General of the ANC visited Algeria for a bilateral meeting with the FLN. The delegation proceeded to Western Sahara for consultations with the Polisario Front in the occupied territories.

Economic Transformation

272. The Economic Transformation Committee has been very active in engaging members of the ANC, our allies and broader civil society in a wide range of debates around economic policy. These processes have assisted us to build a common understanding of the trajectory of economic transformation. More broadly the aims of the numerous workshops and other forums were to:

• Engage friends and allies on the ANC`s approach to economic transformation, with specific reference to identified policy areas;
• Feed the research and technical expertise, as well as the experience of practitioners, into the discussions and programme of the ANC
• Evaluate current policy initiatives and generate new ideas and policy recommendations for consideration of the ANC 273. Amongst the workshops held were forums focussing on
• Industrial policy and the developmental state,
• Micro-finance for poverty alleviation
• Labour market regulation and the second economy, and
• The accelerated and shared growth initiative (ASGISA).

274. These workshops assisted the movement in clarify its vision on a number of issues and therefore were a critical input to the implementation of the resolutions of the 51st National Conference, and the realisation of progressive economic policy.

275. The work of the ETC intensified in over the last year. In preparation for the national policy conference a discussion document was prepared on the basis of which a wide-ranging process of consultation took place. This included workshops in each of the nine provinces, a workshop with our alliance partners, a forum for deployed cadres and briefings, round-tables and discussions with a wide range of organisations, including NAFCOC, the SACC, affiliates of COSATU and a number of business organisation. The extent and depth of consultation around economic transformation is reflected in the quality of the draft resolution that the policy conference has placed for considerable before the National Conference.

276. Following the National Policy Conference, the ETC went further to develop additional resolutions on climate change, and on rural development, land reform and agrarian change. These resolutions will be put the commissions of the 52nd National Conferenc e.

Social Transformation

277. In the recent past, the STC has dealt with a number of key policy documents on social transformation comprehensively. There was robust discussion on key questions, which culminated in a convergence of the diverse views expressed. This convergence has been expressed in the many recommendations of the NGC and the National policy conference of 2007 for adoption by the National Conference in 2007.

278. The policy documents were informed by the Stellenbosch Resolutions and it emerged that the ANC government has in large measure implemented the resolutions in varying degrees.

279. There were two commissions both in the NGC and the National policy conference that dealt with the key issues under social transformation and although the approaches of the two commissions differed, the content of the discussions dealt with the issues in an open manner. The executive in government participated equally and assisted in clarifying issues where necessary.

280. One of the critical issues that this National Conference should assess is the matter of a National Health Insurance system.

Peace and Stability

281. The NEC instructed the ANC cadres early this year to start a campaign to mobilise communities to assume leadership in the struggle for peace, stability and safer places to live. The NEC defined the campaign as a project to strengthen partnerships betw een communities and the police services, and between the public and private sectors. Some degree of mobilisation was already happening when the NEC made its call but has since taken leaps and bounds, with the ANC cadres leading in the campaign.

282. Key to the Peace and Stability agenda over the last few years have been the emergence of better organised Community Policing Forum`s. The CPFs have developed to higher levels, creating conditions for a better coordinated approach to community policing . Relations between the CPFs and the South African Police Service have also improved. It is true, of course, that there are still some areas where the necessary cooperation between the CPFs and the police leaves much to be desired. The weaknesses are being addressed.

283. Whereas the Peace and Stability desks in the various provinces are at different levels of development and therefore capability, there as a common thread that runs through each of them in terms of the mobilisation of our communities to participate in t he fight against crime. The improvement has to do with the fact that the desks are comprised of comrades who are deployed in the area of peace and stability. They have used their experience, therefore, to guide the desks in the implementation of the sub-co mmittees programme of action. Now and again, changes in the deployment of comrades away from peace and stability matters, negatively affects the work of the sub-committee as much needed experience is lost.

Constitutional Affairs

284. The NEC sub-committee on Constitutional Affairs has acted to implement the resolutions of Mafikeng and Stellenbosch around the transformation of the Judiciary, including through the introduction of legislation. Some of the bills became controversial a nd it was decided that a wider process of consultation was required. It was also realised that there was not a detailed ANC policy on matters of transformation of the judiciary. A process was set in motion by the NEC sub-committees on Constitutional Affair s and Legislatures and Governance. The conclusions of this extensive process of consultation were fed into the national policy conference of June 2007.

Legislatures and Governance

285. The Legislatures and Governance sub-committee of the NEC has been concerned in the main with:

• Preparations for local government elections,
• The revival and strengthening of Legislatures and Governance structures at provincial level,
• Establishing capacity in the Office of the Mayor to facilitate matters relating to targeted groups,
• Assessing the current governance model in specific relation to provinces
• Establishing a single public service for our country
• Reviewing the institutions supporting democracy
• Post-tenure/employment rules for public officials
• Assessing floor-crossing
• Assessing our electoral system
• Enhancing public participation in all spheres of government and within all arms of the state
• Alignment of the National Spatial Development Framework, Provincial Growth and Development Strategies and Integrated Development plans of the local sphere.

286. The Subcommittee paid serious attention to the resolutions taken in our last NGC. It turned those resolutions into programmatic tasks that have guided the activities of the Subcommittee up to now. Key to this, still remains, how we strengthen the capa city of Head Quarters (HQ) and provinces to monitor the performances of ANC deployees at provincial and more especially, the local government sphere. The establishment of a Local Government Desk as part of broader a governance structure, continued to be ra ised. We continued to be seized with the creation of capacity in the Office of the Secretary General in driving the transformation agenda through strong organisational structures. We further need to revive the local government forum where HQ meets with key stakeholders within the local government sphere regularly.

Labour Sub-Committee

287. The NEC established a sub-committee to strengthen and deepen the relationship of the ANC with the labour movement in our country. The committee was also tasked with developing inputs for the NEC that would contribute towards our understanding of the r ole of labour and the working class in the NDR, in the context of changing objective circumstances in the global and domestic economy. Arising from the sub-committee`s inputs a number of debates took place within the NEC on the role of labour in building a developmental state.

Gender Sub-Committee

288. In the first part of the period under review the NEC Gender Sub-Committee worked to produce a document entitled “Report on Delivery to Women, which details the achievements of the ANC government. It also worked on the establishment of provincial gende r sub-committees, and worked to strengthen the Commission on Gender Equality. Non-NEC members with expertise in the field were invited to attend and contribute to meetings and the committee worked on a number of legal measures to improve the status of wome n. Unfortunately, Since March 2005, the NEC Gender Sub-Committee has been plagued by a host of problems to such an extent that the sub-committee did not function effectively since then. One of the reasons cited by the sub-committee is the overlap between i ts work and that of the ANCWL. In this light the question arises as to whether it is necessary to retain the NEC Gender Sub-Committee as the most effective means of ensuring the ANC policy reflects a gendered perspective.

Archives

289. The Archives Unit was established, falling under a sub-committee of the NEC, to contribute to the retrieval of the history of the African people by collecting and preser5ving all materials generated by the ANC, archiving them systematically, and makin g them available for research and public education. The University of Fort Hare is the designated depository of the ANC archives.

290. Through its projects the archives unit has succeeded in archiving material from 33 offices of the ANC in exile during the period prior to 1990 and has conducted and archived 218 interviews as part of the oral history project. This programme has also t rained over a dozen ANC cadres including two who achieved masters degrees. The unit will also begin to archive the post-1990 documents generated by the ANC at national and provincial level. The unit is also in the process of digitising and archiving over 6 000 hours of videotapes from the exile years, and will train ANC cadres for this work.

National Disciplinary Committee

291. The NDC serves as the highest appeals body of the ANC and has successfully adjudicated over a number of appeals in the period under review. In a few high profile national cases the NDC has also constituted itself as tribunal of first instance.

Commission on Religious Affairs

292. The Commission on Religious Affairs (CRA) established in 1993, grew from the ANC Religious Committee of the exile period, and the religious inputs at home in the struggle years. The early CRA thus focused on support for the liberation struggle from th e religious communities. In recent years, CRA has become conscious of a further development. There are two aspects in every religion. Religious spiritual aspects (such as worship, scripture, theology, doctrine and religious structures) are not the business of political bodies. But the secular spiritual aspects (including moral, political, social, economic, and environmental concerns) are an ANC responsibility. Our movement is concerned for the involvement of the community in the vision and values to transfo rm the human community.

293. This developing insight has led the CRA from its original concern for `The RDP of the Soul` document, through much discussion and debate, to `The ANC and Revolutionary Morality`. It is included as part of the Strategy and Tactics` debate for us all, n ot as a separate issue for the religious.

294. The CRA has also played a leading role in establishing the National Religious Leaders Forum (NRLF) and the Moral Regeneration Movement (MRM); drafting new policy on Religion Education through the Department of Education; to the design and selection of personnel for the Commission on Language, Cultural and Religious Rights; contributing to the SANDF Chaplains Retreat.

Awards Panel 295. Each year since 2000 the Awards Panel has met to consider the best and most excellent performance of ANC branches, ANCWL branches, ANCYL branches and collectives of ANC municipal councillors. Awards have been issues each year as part of the January 8t h Celebrations.

296. One of the tasks the incoming NEC should begin is to consider and conceptualise the appropriate awards to be given on the occasion of the centenary of the foundation of the African National Congress.

NGC AND POLICY CONFERENCE

297. The National General Council of the ANC was held at Tshwane University on 29 June – 3 July 2005. Attended by branch delegates and provincial delegates, the NGC carried out its constitutional mandate to review the policies and programmes of the ANC. Th e NGC adopted reports on the strategic context of the NDR and the state of organisation, and a consolidated report on sectoral strategies including legislatures, governance and constitutional affairs, theory of development, international relations, ideolog ical struggle and cadre development and social transformation.

298. The NEC also convened a national policy conference, held at Gallagher Estate in Mid Rand on 27 – 30 June 2007. The Policy Conference has proposed a comprehensive set of resolutions for consideration by this 52nd National Conference. It also considered and revised the draft strategy and tactics document, as well as a range of proposals on organisational renewal.

THE ANC AND ORGANS OF THE DEMOCRATIC STATE

299. Relations between organisational structures of the movement and governance structures are key to the effective mobilisation of our people behind the tasks of social transformation. Mass participation and mass education are the keys to people centred d evelopment, and the ANC, as a movement that leads and unites the people, is therefore central to the policy development and implementation process.

300. More broadly, social cohesion depends on how the ANC handles matters pertaining to the relationship between the state and the party, especially where the interests of an individual or group within the ANC seem to come into conflict with the imperative s of governance. Whilst on the one hand, the presence of a strong ANC presents untold opportunities for mass participation, engagement and education around the process of governing, the danger is always present that the ANC becomes a conduit to government office and that cadres become susceptible to moral decay occasioned by the struggle for control of and access to resources.

301. The possibility of division between elected structures of the movement on the one hand, and government appointees on the other is very real. The movement is then utilised as a power base from which to undermine the effective functioning of government, in order to create conditions for access to resources for those who perceive themselves to have been excluded. On the other hand, access to resources on the part of cadres deployed to government is utilised through the mechanisms of patronage to win parti cular outcomes within the structures of the movement.

302. Rather than a collaborative and cooperative relationship, in which mass participation and education forms a mutually reinforcing engagement with the organs of democratic rule, the danger is ever-present that the party and the state will not act in con cert, but rather engage in a mutually debilitating battle that has very little to do with the aims and objectives of the African National Congress.

303. Not only does such a situation erode the ANC`s capacities, but it also undermines the ability of government itself to function in a cohesive and coordinated manner. The ANC at times becomes the battlefield in which ministerial silos seek to win argume nts that they failed to secure consent on within government. All of this points to the urgent necessity to revive and drastically upgrade the ANC`s own policy-making, monitoring, implementation and evaluation capacity.

304. Experience of the last 13 years has also brought out in bold relief the issue of relations among the three spheres of government. The Policy Conference resolved that the ANC needed to make an input into the government exercise reviewing this matter be fore it is resolved by government structures. Mechanisms to ensure that this happens must be identified so as to ensure that we are united as we lead this process.

RENEWAL OF THE ANC`S VALUES, ORGANISATIONAL DEMOCRACY AND REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE

305. Our approach to organisational democracy is grounded in the belief and experience that the views of the majority must always prevail. Individual members may have differing opinions on how particular issues should be addressed, or who should lead them. Our strength lies in the ability to bring all of these views together and emerge with the wisest possible approach. But once a decision has been taken on the basis of the majority`s views, it binds everyone, including those who held a contrary view.

306. At the level of a branch, the application of this principle means that branch meetings, where important decisions are taken, must quorate. In other words, a majority of the members of the ANC in that branch area must be in attendance. Failure to obser ve this principle means that the views of the majority cannot be heard. If the majority`s view cannot prevail, then the rights of members to express their true views is undermined.

307. In order to build organisation, and allow it to function effectively to bring all views to bear on the wisest conclusion, we must also allow sufficient time for debate and engagement. When decisions are simply imposed on lower structures, and higher s tructures fail to engage, listen and consider all views, we are creating conditions for the demoralisation of our members and branches. We are creating fertile ground for dissent and ill discipline.

308. Lower structures participate in the decisions of higher structures, but once decisions have been taken, they bind all the relevant lower structures, and must be supported and implemented. However, when electing leadership, members of the ANC, and the delegates they elect to represent them are not voting fodder who must be slavishly bound to lists and subject to the whip of higher structures.

309. Whilst guided by the broad mandate of their branches, regions or provinces, each individual member or delegate is expected to exercise his or her judgement on the basis of his or her assessment of the movement`s interest. This must also be informed by in depth discussions on the political and organisational environment and challenges facing the ANC, out of which emerges consensus on the political programme and the leadership collective best suited to implement it.

310. The selection and election of leaders should reside firmly in the hands of members. This can only happen if there is open and frank discussion on these issues in formal structures of the movement. Anything contrary to this practice is a slippery slope , which can easily lead to the misguided notion or belief that some amongst us possess a monopoly of wisdom. Monopoly of whatever kind can only produce stagnation.

311. If we are not vigilant, we could easily slide down a dangerous path of least resistance to the bottom of an abyss where the content of our revolutionary tasks is lost in the ferment of opportunistic electoral politics. Writing in 1885, the Latin Ameri ca Revolutionary, José Marti, aptly described the dangers that await us at the bottom of this path:

“Once the candidates are nominated [he wrote]… pails of mud are dumped upon heads. Lies and exaggerations are knowingly spread. Bellies and backs are polished. All manner of infamy is considered legitimate. All kinds of blows are good as long as they stun the enemy. Whoever invents an effective villainous act struts about like a peacock. Even prominent men believe themselves excused from the more trivial duties of honour.” 312. The process of preparing for this 52nd National Conference has revealed the manifestation of numerous problems and deficiencies that require urgent correction. This challenge of renewing our values and correcting the wrong practices that have emerged in the recent period will be the critical work that the incoming NEC must urgently confront.

313. At the heart of this challenge is restoring the values that bind us together as the African National Congress. Let us remind ourselves that at the NGC in 2005 we said:

“The ANC came into existence before any of us. It will outlive all of us gathered here today. Our historic task is to carry this precious torch through the brief time we are given on earth, and pass it on undiminished to the generations that will follow. T hat torch, whose flame keeps aloft the hopes of our people, burns on the fuel of our own selfless contributions, which rest upon our acceptance of the values and conduct of our forebears: courage, generosity, honesty, self-sacrifice, humility, truthfulness , integrity and temperance.

“These are the values that must reside in the membership of the ANC, which is the foundation upon which the life of our movement rests.” 314. As we noted above, a profound and popular movement, which is also a ruling party such as we are, will never be immune from negative tendencies, and elements which are in direct contradiction with these values of courage, generosity, honesty, self-sacr ifice, humility, truthfulness, integrity and temperance.

315. The point, however, is to ensure that through continuous political education the noble values and norms of the African National Congress remain the dominant and defining characteristics of our movement. In order to achieve this, we must devise mechani sms that will enable the membership to combat and defeat the negative tendencies that Lenin, José Marti and countless other revolutionaries have identified and warned us against. We must always strive to correct each other`s weaknesses and reinforce each o ther`s strong points.

316. Our constitution enjoins us to empower the membership of the ANC, organised in their branches to:

• Take a full and active part in the discussion, formulation and implementation of the policy of the ANC.
• Receive and impart information on all aspects of ANC policy and activities
• Offer constructive criticism of any member, official, policy programme or activity of the ANC within its structures
• Take part in elections and be elected or appointed to any committee, structure, commission or delegation of the ANC
• Submit proposals or statements to the branch, province, region or NEC, provided such proposals or statements are submitted through the appropriate channels.

317. These tasks should form the basis of our programme of renewal. Failure to address these urgent challenges could mean that the ANC list process that must soon begin in earnest for the next general election may expose even greater degeneration than has been witnessed in the process of nominations for this conference. That, and the subsequent local government list process as well as preparations for the 53rd national conference on the centenary of the ANC can either be milestones down a greasy slope from which we can never return, or landmarks in the renewal of our movement.

318. The incoming NEC must therefore establish a period of renewal of the values, character and organisational practices that have infected our movement over the last few years.

319. One of the critical tasks as part of organisational renewal should be a mass political education campaign to be undertaken at branch level within six months after the National Conference to report back on substantive Conference outcomes, and to consol idate common approaches and unity within the movement.

CONCLUSION: ADVANCE IN UNITY TOWARDS 2012

320. In conclusion we salute you, the members of the African National Congress. In your deliberations and conduct over the next four days, never forget the towering memory of the many patriots, revolutionaries and giants on whose shoulders you stand.

321. Always bear in mind that you follow in the footsteps of great men and women who shaped this powerful instrument in the hands of our people, those who lit the flame of freedom and passed it on to our generation, to illuminate the path that we have been given to travel.

322. We take this opportunity to pay particular tribute and respect to the memory of comrades Lionel Forman and Duma Nokwe, who were they alive today, would have celebrated their 80th birthdays.

323. The coming year marks 30 years since the passing away of one of our greatest sons, comrade Moses Kotane, who was described by the late Dr. Yusuf Dadoo with the following words:

“In the life of every nation, there arise men who leave an indelible and eternal stamp on the history of their peoples; men who are both products and makers of history. And when they pass they leave a vision of a new and better life and the tools with whic h to win and build it. Moses Kotane was such a man.” 324. Our challenge is great. Draw inspiration from this good example and do your level best to emulate it and live by it.

325. On behalf of the National Executive Committee we would like to thank all of the members of the ANC for having given us the privilege of leading this great movement. We would like to thank our stalwarts and Izithwalandwe for being a constant guide and inspiration to us. And we would like to thank the staff of the ANC, which does the work which earns no remark.

Long live the African National Congress!
Forward to the Centenary!
Amandla!

Addendum A

NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

The 51st National Conference held in Stellenbosch on 16 to 20th December elected the following Officials and NEC members (in order of highest votes obtained)

Officials

• President: Mbeki, Thabo
• Deputy President: Zuma, Jacob
• Secretary General: Motlanthe, Kgalema
• Deputy Secretary General: Mthembi-Mahanyele, Sankie
• National Chairperson: Lekota, Mosioua
• Treasurer General: Msimang, Mendi

Additional Members

1. Manuel, Trevor
2. Ramaphosa, Cyril
3. Dlamini-Zuma, Nkosazana
4. Didiza, Thoko
5. Maduna, Penuell
6. Madikizela-Mandela, Winnie
7. Mufamadi, Sydney
8. Asmal, Kader
9. Skweyiya, Zola
10. Jordan, Pallo
11. Nqakula, Charles
12. Mlambo-Ngcuka, Phumzile
13. Sisulu, Lindiwe
14. Fraser-Moleketi, Geraldine
15. Tshabalala-Msimang, Manto
16. Ginwala, Frene
17. Kasrils, Ronnie
18. Chikane, Frank
19. Radebe, Jeff
20. Erwin, Alec
21. Pahad, Aziz
22. Omar, Dullah
23. Ngonyama, Smuts
24. Moosa, Mohammed Valli
25. Nzimande, Blade
26. Mtintso, Thenjiwe
27. Mabandla, Brigitte
28. Pahad, Essop
29. Hanekom, Derek
30. Matsepe-Cassaburri, Ivy
31. Modise, Thandi
32. Dipico, Manne
33. Sisulu, Max
34. Myakayaka-Manzini, Mavivi
35. Mkhatshwa, Smangaliso
36. Netshitenzhe, Joel
37. Mapisa-Nqakula, Nosiviwe
38. Mdladlana, Membathisi
39. Gigaba, Malusi
40. Ramatlhodi, Ngoako
41. Macozoma, Saki
42. Makhaye, Dumisani
43. Yengeni, Tony
44. Molefe, Popo
45. Cronin, Jeremy
46. Sigcau, Stella
47. Moleketi, Jabu
48. Mbete, Baleka
49. Phosa, Mathews
50. Ebrahim, Ebrahim
51. Dexter, Phillip
52. Masondo, Amos
53. Makwetla, Thabang
54. Godongwana, Enoch
55. Mkhize, Zweli
56. Pandor, Naledi
57. Peters, Dipuo
58. Duarte, Jessie
59. Shabangu, Susan
60. Chabane, Collins

Changes in the composition of the NEC

During this period, the following members of the NEC passed away:

• Makhaye Dumisani
• Sigcau Stella
• Omar Dullah

Comrade W Madikizela-Mandela resigned from the National Executive Committee.

The following members were co-opted into the National Executive Committee:

• Marshoff Beatrice
• Tsopo Ouma

NATIONAL WORKING COMMITTEE

At its first meeting in January 2003, the NEC, amongst itself, elected the following members into the National Working Committee,

1. Didiza Thoko
2. Dlamini-Zuma, Nkosazana
3. Jordan Pallo
4. Mabandla Brigitte
5. Maduna Penuell
6. Mapisa-Nqakula Nosiviwe
7. Mbete Baleka
8. Mlambo Ngcuka Phumzile
9. Mufamadi Sydney
10. Netshitenzhe Joel
11. Radebe Jeff
12. Sisulu Lindiwe
13. Sisulu Max
14. Skweyiya Zola
15. Tshabalala Msimang Manto

The Presidents of both Leagues attended NWC meetings as ex-officio members:

• Mapisa-Nqakula Nosiviwe
• Mbalula Fikile

In addition, those members of the NEC deployed at Luthuli House also attended NWC meetings as ex-officio members:

• Myakayaka Manzini Mavivi
• Ngonyama Smuts.